THE AUDACITY OF TRUTH: THE ANTIGONE OF ARIS ALEXANDROU, A PLAY OF ISLAND DETENTION FROM THE GREEK CIVIL WAR

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
GONDA VAN STEEN

Abstract This article offers a thematic reading of the Antigone play that the Greek poet Aris Alexandrou finished writing in 1951, while pushed into isolation on the prison islands for leftist detainees of the Greek Civil War. It also discusses the 2003 stage production of the play by director Victor Arditti and the State Theatre of Northern Greece. Alexandrou's free adaptation of Sophocles' Antigone delivers the complex other side of the radical resistance that inspired postwar Greek politics and culture. The playwright's political views made him suffer exile within the ‘internal exile’ of his detainment on the prison islands, and the same holds true for his young and idealist protagonist Antigone. Thus the play becomes an essential piece of the less well documented debate between the Greek Left and those pushed out from within. Therefore, too, it has been particularly vulnerable to criticism – or to a fate worse than criticism: oblivion.

Author(s):  
Piotr Głuszkowski ◽  

The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 is a key period to understanding the history of Poland as well as Polish-Russian relationships. Despite the amount of research on the topic, there are still many gaps to be filled. One of them is the attitudes and behaviour of Russian officers in war conditions. The main source for this article is Viktor Savinkov’s memoirs written in 1927 and kept in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Viktor Viktorovich Savinkov (1886–1954) was a Russian publicist, writer, and artist; younger brother of Boris Savinkov, a famous writer and revolutionist. During the Russian Civil War, he was a soldier of the Don Army. In early 1920, he was captured by the Bolsheviks and offered to join the Red Army. The article characterises the way Savinkov was concealing his socio-political views, expressing his attitudes towards new authorities, and how he managed to desert during the Polish-Soviet war. The conditions of the offensive of the Red Army on Warsaw are also described in the memoirs, including the sentiments and behaviour of the soldiers. Savinkov’s memoirs make it possible to study the behaviour of other officers and soldiers of the former Russian army, who had been forced to serve in the Red Army.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski

Abstract At the height of the Syrian civil war, many observers argued that the Syrian state was collapsing, fragmenting, or dissolving. Yet, it never actually vanished. Revisiting the rising challenges to the Syrian state since 2011 – from internal collapse through external fragmentation to its looming dissolution by the ‘Islamic State’ – provides a rare opportunity to investigate the re-enactment of both statehood and international order in crisis. Indeed, what distinguishes the challenges posed to Syria, and Iraq, from others in the region and beyond is that their potential dissolution was regarded as a threat not merely to a – despised – dictatorial regime, or a particular state, but to the state-based international order itself. Regimes fall and states ‘collapse’ internally or are replaced by new states, but the international order is fundamentally questioned only where the territorially delineated state form is contested by an alternative. The article argues that the Syrian state survived not simply due to its legal sovereignty or foreign regime support, but also because states that backed the rebellion, fearing the vanishing of the Syrian nation-state in a transnational jihadist ‘caliphate’, came to prefer its persistence under Assad. The re-enactment of states and of the international order are thus ultimately linked.


2021 ◽  
pp. 152-168
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Cutrer

The Civil War in Arkansas in 1862 saw only two major battles, at Pea Pidge (or Elkhorn Tavern) and Prairie Grove, both of which were substantial Union victories. But of at least equal importance, the war in this sparsely populated, largely rural and impoverished region was characterized by deep and bitter divisions in loyalties of the states’ citizens, the marked indifference of the administration of Confederate Pres. Jefferson Davis in Richmond, and a notable lack of effective leadership and cooperation among the various Confederate generals. The result was the loss of the state to the Southern cause and the onset of brutal partisan warfare behind the lines between secessionist and Unionist neighbors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-2) ◽  
pp. 4-29
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shishkin

The published collection of documents is devoted to Lieutenant General V.G. Boldyrev, who was one of the major political and military figures of counterrevolution during the Civil War in Russia. The documents are dated November 1922 - August 1923. At that time, Boldyrev was in prison, being arrested by the bodies of the State Political Directorate. The documents contain the information about how and according to what considerations Party and Soviet authorities made decisions concerning the fate of the former Supreme Commander in chief of the anti-Bolshevist camp, who refused to leave Russia and to become an emigrant.


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