CREATING POPULARIS HISTORY: SP. CASSIUS, SP. MAELIUS, AND M. MANLIUS IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE LATE REPUBLIC

2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
LAUREN KAPLOW
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The One

Abstract The sources are clear in associating Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius and M. Manlius Capitolinus with Late Republican popularis programmes, both in the men's actions (agrarian laws, grain distributions, redemption of debts) and in the language used to describe them. Not only were the adfectatores regni (anachronistically) identified as popularis, but they were also conceived of as part of a continuous political tradition, which went down to Clodius and the Gracchi. The content of these stories can illuminate Late Republican ideas about popularis politicians and ideology, especially the tension between the actions of the men and their stated intentions on the one hand, and the perception of tyrannical behaviour on the other. The association of these figures with later populares allows us to use their examples to more fully describe the Late Republican view of what popularitas meant and how it related to attempts at, or accusations of attempts at, tyranny.

scholarly journals The Memory of Communist Poland in the Third Polish Republic. A Tentative Systematisation

2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Veteran Status ◽  
The One

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members

Der kranke Mann im Golus

Aschkenas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-195
Author(s):  
Andreas Kilcher
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Humanities And Social Sciences ◽  
The One

Abstract Zionism is rooted in the programme for overcoming the Diaspora. The descriptions of this programme go hand in hand with an in-depth »diagnosis« of the sufferings of the Diaspora as a symptom of the ongoing animosity towards Jews and their persecution even, and particularly, in the age of emancipation. This cultural, social and political diagnosis was described in Zionism - and it is no coincidence that this happened mostly through physicians - as the medical and psychiatric pathologization of the »Jewish people’s body«. In this process of naturalization and scientification paradigms and methods of the contemporary humanities and social sciences were applied, including concepts as controversial as that of the »Jewish race«. The present analysis examines this medical account from two complementary perspectives: the medical verbalization of the political discourse of Zionism on the one hand (Leon Pinsker, Max Nordau, etc.), and the politicization of medicine on the other (Arthur Kahn, Felix Theilhaber, etc.).

scholarly journals Stratégies de désignation dans le discours politique catholique et protestant pendant les guerres de religion : le tournant décisif de la conversion d’Henri IV (1593)

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sophie Yvert-Hamon
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Henry Iv ◽  
Referential Expressions ◽  
The One

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies of designation in the political discourse of Huguenots on the one hand, and Ultra-Catholics on the other hand, during the period preceding and following the conversion of Henry IV (1593). Using Discourse Analysis as a theoretical and methodological framework, this study focuses on how the different actors (parties, the King) are presented in these discourses. The corpus is composed of two texts, both published in 1593. The first one is by the Duke of Mayenne, leader of the Catholic League, and aims to reunify all Catholics within the kingdom in order to annihilate Protestantism. It is written before the conversion of Henry IV to Catholicism and expresses the frustration of Ultra-Catholics at having a protestant king. The second text is by Philippe Duplessis-Mornay on behalf of the Huguenots’ political assemblies. It is a letter addressed to King Henry IV just after his conversion to Catholicism in 1593. This letter expresses the frustration of Huguenots as their protector converted to Catholicism. Analyzing the use of referential expressions according to the constructivist conception of the reference developed by Apothéloz and Reichler-Béguelin (1995), this study considers the referents as discourse-objects and the talking subject as acting on these objects. The study is qualitative and examines the different functions (argumentative, social, polyphonic) of the categorizations and recategorizations in order to underscore the discursive strategies of the authors. This paper argues that there are similarities in the way the different actors are presented in the two texts but that the perspective is essentially religious in the text by the Catholic League whereas the perspective is more political in the text by the Huguenots.  

scholarly journals Cultural Ethos Constructed in Press Titles and Their Translation

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Maria Antoniou
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Linguistic Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Variation ◽  
Source Text ◽  
The One

The present study explores, from a contrastive point of view, the conditions that rule the political discourse in terms of linguistic politeness. By contrasting the data (examples drawn from press titles, mainly the French journal Le Monde Diplomatique and its’ translations into Greek), we will be able to discover the underlying operations and constraints that regulate the use of such markers and to reach conclusions about the existence or not of symmetrical uses of our two languages. The theoretical framework followed is that of Brown and Levinson and the one of the Theory of Enunciation. In the case of press titles translation, despite the possibility of using symmetrical structures in source text as well as in target text, different structures are mostly preferred. This discrepancy leads to hypothesis about different linguistic attitudes of each linguistic community reflected explicitly by the use of different syntactic/lexical markers. It is this awareness that enabled Brown and Levinson (1987: 248) to consider cross-cultural variation and recognise that some societies may be oriented towards one or the other type of politeness (i.e. negative or positive)», formulating the so called cultural ethos of each linguistic community.

“Political-Discourse” Analysis and the Debate Over Canada's Lobbying Legislation

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Stark
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Actors ◽  
Policy Ideas ◽  
Political Discourse Analysis ◽  
The One

AbstractRecently, students of public policy making in North America have added the analysis of “political discourse” to the tools of their trade. According to the “political discourse” school, the extent to which policy ideas gain acceptability cannot always be explained rationally in terms of their logical or empirical validity, nor instrumentally in terms of the interests they serve. Often, their careers must be accounted for, at least in part, by a detailed exploration of their ideological assumptions and appeal, and their rhetorical structure and persuasiveness. Despite its many plausible and promising features, this type of analysis has, to date, rarely been performed in specific instances of policy discourse. The author presents a “political-discourse” analysis of the 1985–1988 debate over Canada's Bill C-82, “An Act Respecting the Registration of Lobbyists.” That debate brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors. Nevertheless, the participants uniformly based their arguments on broad assumptions unsubstantiated by empirical analysis, and advanced those arguments in the rhetoric of the public good and democratic theory. The author concludes that underlying the two basic positions taken in debate over C-82—support for a regime of substantial disclosure of lobbying activity on the one hand, and opposition to disclosure on the other—were two competing sets of assumptions concerning the nature and workings of the faculties of reason and perception in politics.

On the quietist and activist traditions in Islamic political writing

1986 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Lewis
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Theology ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
Common Heritage ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Writing ◽  
The One ◽  
Early Islamic

From the earliest times, the political tradition of Islam, on the one hand as formulated in Islamic theology and law, on the other hand as expressed in the accepted versions of early Islamic history, contains two distinct and in some measure even contradictory principles concerning the problems of government and obedience, of which one might be described as authoritarian and quietist, the other as radical and activist. The exponents of both these principles point to the authority of the Qur'ān and tradition, and to the example of the Prophet himself. Both principles are indeed exemplified in the career and teachings of the Prophet and in the history of the early caliphate, which constitute the shared memorv and common heritage of Muslims everywhere. These two traditions may be examined separately.

Getting Over Athens

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Model ◽  
Dionysius Of Halicarnassus ◽  
The One

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

Studying Political Leadership: The Case of François Mitterrand

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole
Keyword(s):  
General Framework ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Environmental Constraints ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The One

The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.

Scatter 2

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Bennington
Keyword(s):  
Jacques Derrida ◽  
The Other ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Early Church ◽  
The Political ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Jean Bodin ◽  
Marsilius Of Padua ◽  
The One ◽  
Nuremberg Trials

Scatter 2 identifies politics as an object of perennial difficulty for philosophy—as recalcitrant to philosophical mastery as is philosophy’s traditional adversary, poetry. That difficulty makes it an attractive area of attention for any deconstructive approach to the tradition from which we inevitably inherit our language and our concepts. Scatter 2 pursues that deconstruction, often starting, and sometimes departing, from the work of Jacques Derrida, by attending to the concepts of sovereignty on the one hand, and democracy on the other. Part I follows the fate of a line from Book II of Homer’s Iliad, where Odysseus asserts that “the rule of many is no good thing, let there be one ruler, one king,” as it is quoted and misquoted, and progressively Christianized, by authors including Aristotle, Philo Judaeus, Suetonius, the early Church Fathers, Aquinas, Dante, Ockham, Marsilius of Padua, Jean Bodin, Etienne de la Boétie, up to Carl Schmitt and Erik Peterson, and even one of the defendants at the Nuremberg Trials, before being discussed by Derrida himself. Part II begins again, as it were, with Plato and Aristotle, and tracks the concept of democracy as it regularly impacts and tends to undermine that sovereignist tradition, and, more especially in detailed readings of Hobbes and Rousseau, develops a notion of “proto-democracy” as a possible name for the scatter that underlies and drives the political as such, and that will always prevent politics from achieving its aim of bringing itself to an end.

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