White Allies and the Semiotics of Wokeness: Raciolinguistic Chronotopes of White Virtue on Facebook

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-257
Author(s):  
Jennifer B. Delfino
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassandra L. Hinger ◽  
Laura Cobourne ◽  
Shola Shodiya-Zeumault ◽  
Hyunji Lee ◽  
Iman A. Said ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 100-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Desnoyers-Colas

The road a predominantly white institution (PWI) takes to maximize diversity, inclusion, and equity can be fraught with challenges. One midsize institution learned through an assessment of its campus climate that its institutional practices and arrangements impeded diversity, inclusion, and equity despite white administrators' beliefs to the contrary. To help quell systemic racism habits, monthly campus-wide workshops focused on several key racial injustice habits and hurtful microaggressions generated from white privilege. A faux social justice allure to white allies who considered themselves advocates of nondominant people is one that should ultimately call into question the genuineness and true nature of their support. This semi-autoethnographic essay is a plaintive call to white colleagues in the academy to earnestly acknowledge white privilege and to use it to actively fight the destructive force of racial battle fatigue and institutional racism.


Author(s):  
Wanda A. Hendricks

This chapter examines Fannie Barrier Williams' role in linking the geographically distinct regions of the North and South, and particularly between black and white club women in the twentieth century. It begins with a discussion of southern women's adherence to their tradition of racial segregation and how elite northern black women beckoned their white allies to address the issue of racism in the organizations they joined. It then considers Barrier Williams' effort to more clearly define her place in the Chicago Woman's Club, chronicle the successful ascendency of black women in the public arena, and fashion a long-term career as a public intellectual. It also explores Barrier Williams' labor activism and how her friendship with Booker T. Washington as well as her commitment to his idea of black industrial education earned the ire of prominent blacks in Chicago. The chapter concludes with an assessment of Barrier Williams' feud with Ida B. Wells-Barnett.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Goodwin

Most theories of terrorism would lead one to have expected high levels of antiwhite terrorism in apartheid South Africa. Yet the African National Congress, the country's most important and influential antiapartheid political organization, never sanctioned terrorism against the dominant white minority. I argue that the ANC eschewed terrorism because of its commitment to "nonracial internationalism." From the ANC's perspective, to have carried out a campaign of indiscriminate or "categorical" terrorism against whites would have alienated actual and potential white allies both inside and outside the country. The ANC's ideological commitment to nonracialism had a specific social basis: It grew out of a long history of collaboration between the ANC and white leftists inside and outside the country, especially those in the South African Communist Party.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton A. Fuentes ◽  
Javier E. Bustamante ◽  
Michelle M. Truffin ◽  
Steve Arrieta ◽  
Michelle Bassett ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Silvan Niedermeier

This chapter studies two high-profile cases in which police officers used torture to extract confessions from black criminal suspects. In these cases, African Americans, aided by prominent white allies and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), appealed to the courts to protest acts of torture, contest forced confessions, and challenge legal discrimination. The chapter places these protests within the context of the “long Civil Rights movement” to illuminate the tensions between the demands of white supremacy and the demands of a “color-blind” law characteristic of the modern bureaucratic state.


2015 ◽  
Vol 117 (14) ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Vanessa D. Dodo Seriki ◽  
Cory T. Brown ◽  
Kenneth J. Fasching-Varner

Using the chronicles of three friends, this chapter presents a counterstory that sets the stage for the examination of racism in teacher education, within the United States of America, using critical race theory (CRT) as an analytical tool. The setting of these chronicles is during a time when postracial rhetoric in the United States was at its highest—just after the 2008 election of President Barack Obama. The three friends take the readers on a journey through their graduate experience in teacher education and into their first faculty position in teacher education. Their experiences, as students and junior faculty, are akin to what many faculty and students of color and their White allies experience daily in teacher education programs across the United States. The analysis of their chronicle, using CRT, reveals that postracial discourse has disguised racism and racial microaggression in teacher education. Racial microaggres-sion is as pernicious as other forms of racism and, through its passive-aggressive orientation, validates institutional and individual lack of attention to issues of race.


2022 ◽  
pp. 136843022110596
Author(s):  
Mason D. Burns ◽  
Erica L. Granz

Social justice movements often consist of both targets of bias (e.g., Black people) and nontarget allies (e.g., White people). However, little is known about what factors shape minorities’ perceptions of allies and their ally behaviors. Across four studies, we investigated Black participants’ perceptions of Whites’ motives to engage in ally behaviors. In Study 1, we found that Black participants perceived nontarget allies as both highly internally and externally motivated, suggesting ally motives may be ambiguous to Black perceivers. Studies 2–4 examined the effect of Black participants’ suspicion of Whites’ motives on perceptions of White allies’ sincerity and support for their ally efforts. As predicted, suspicious Black participants perceived White ally protestors, confronters, and political candidates as less sincere than similar Black targets and, in turn, were less supportive of White allies’ efforts. Discussion focuses on how perceived motives of White allies impact perceptions of allies and their ally efforts.


Author(s):  
Richard Archer

Any attempt to reverse the condition of African Americans in New England had to consider what a small fraction of the overall population they were. Success depended upon unity of African Americans and changing attitudes and behaviors of white New Englanders. This chapter analyzes those efforts from what to call themselves to creating black institutions to enlisting white support. Activists in the 1830s largely focused on the tactic of uplift, primarily meaning education and self-improvement societies. The idea was that African Americans needed to improve themselves to reduce white prejudice as well as for their own well-being. This chapter also includes discussions of colonization, white allies (including Garrison, The Liberator, and antislavery societies), racism within abolitionist ranks, and the appearance of “scientific” racism.


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