Northwest China

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurel Bossen ◽  
Hill Gates
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
Northwest China ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cotton Production ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Northern Site ◽  
The North ◽  
Locally Grown ◽  
Growing Region

This chapter continues the inquiry at the western edges of the North China Plain in Shanxi and Shaanxi. Here the four village sites present differences in cotton production, political influence, proximity to urban trade centers, and to the railroad. One northern site in Shanxi experienced the direct effects of the nearby Communist base in the 1930s. One village in Shaanxi lay in the heart of a rich cotton-growing region while the other in Shaanbei lacked locally grown cotton. The chapter focuses on the political and economic changes affecting women’s and girls’ hand work as well as the timing of footbinding’s decline at each site.

I Kings

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Cogan
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
Biblical Scholar ◽  
1 Kings

Beginning with the death of David and the rise of Solomon, 1 Kings charts the history of Israel through the divided monarchy, when Ahab reigned in the north and Jehoshaphat reigned in the south. This new translation, with introduction and commentary by biblical scholar Mordechai Cogan, is part of the Anchor Bible Commentary series, viewed by many as the definitive commentaries for use in both Christian and Jewish scholarship and worship. Cogan's translation brings new immediacy to well-known passages, such as Solomon's famously wise judgment when asked by two prostitutes to decide their dispute regarding motherhood of a child: "Cut the live son in two! And give half to one and half to the other." With a bibliography that runs to almost a thousand articles and books, Cogan's commentary demonstrates his mastery of the political history described by 1 Kings, as well as the themes of moral and religious failure that eventually led to Israel's defeat and exile.

The Political Economy of Trade Policy

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E Baldwin
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
International Trade ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Machine Tools ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Social Concerns

International trade seems to be a subject where the advice of economists is routinely disregarded. Economists are nearly unanimous in their general opposition to protectionism, but the increase in U.S. protection in recent years in such sectors as automobiles, steel, textiles and apparel, machine tools, footwear and semiconductors demonstrates that economists lack political influence on trade policy. Two broad approaches have been developed to analyze the political economics of trade policy and the processes that generate protectionism. One approach emphasizes the economic self-interest of the political participants, while the other stresses the importance of the broad social concerns of voters and public officials. This paper outlines the nature of the two approaches, indicating how they can explain the above anomalies and other trade policy behavior, and concludes with observations about integrating the two frameworks, conducting further research, and making policy based on the analysis.

The Egba at Abeokuta: Acculturation and Political Change, 1830–1870

1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Earl Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Economic ◽  
The North ◽  
The One ◽  
City State ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Following the establishment of the city-state of Abeokuta, the Egba and Owu returned to the forms of government known and respected before the retreat from the north, each township running its own affairs and reclaiming old prerogatives. This urban parochialism proved increasingly cumbersome after the death of Sodeke, when, without effective central leadership, the Ogboni and Ologun manœuvred for political predominance.These difficulties were compounded after mid-century as the tempo of economic and cultural change quickened in southern Yorubaland. The Egba were intent on establishing themselves as commercial middlemen between the coast and interior. On the one hand, they were thus drawn into the ever-widening focus of European economic and political influence and demands radiating from Lagos. On the other, seeds of change were planted at Abeokuta itself: European merchants, missionaries, and Saros, who were soon promoting new economic forms and demanding political expression.The formal appearance of the Saros as political contenders in 1860 coincided with the breakdown of the uneasy Yoruba peace. Their first bid for power was consequently unsuccessful, and, as the war progressed, the military became the controlling political force. In fact civil government came close to vanishing completely during the next five years, a point of near-anarchy being reached, and with deteriorating relations with Lagos.

scholarly journals Restructuring and the Dilemma of State Police in Nigeria: to Be or Not to Be?

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Badamasi Saidu ◽  
Zuwaira Haruna Rasheed ◽  
Ummu Atiyah Binti Ahmad Zakuan ◽  
Kamarul Zaman Bin Haji Yusoff
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
The Other ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Police ◽  
Security Business ◽  
Police System

The success or otherwise of any police system lies in the institutional structure upon which the institution is framed. As a federation, there is need to stress for devolution of power through restructuring for effective police system. This is necessary giving the heightened insecurity and centralise nature of the police institution in the country. The over centralisation of policing has made the institution to be control and influence at the discretion of the political head as provided in section 214 of the 1999 constitution as amended. On the other hand, giving the political immaturity in Nigeria, decentralising the national policing to give way to state police also has its own implication of over beardedness, possible political influence of the governors against oppositions, poor funding and formalisation of political thugs and party supports at the detriment of the security business. In view of these therefore, effective police system will be achieved through constitutional amendment of section 214 by removing the discretional command of the political heads which derogated. The institution should be place under justice system to be govern by rule of law.

International tourism in North Korea: how, where and when does political ideology enter?

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yukang Wang ◽  
Anne Marie Van Broeck ◽  
Dominique Vanneste
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Tourism Industry ◽  
International Travel ◽  
International Tourism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The North

Purpose In the recent decades, an increasing trend has been observed in the steps North Korea has taken to open up to tourism. The purpose of this paper is to gain a deeper understanding of the influence the North Korean political ideology has on different aspects of international tourism. Design/methodology/approach Apart from the scarce academic literature, news media and internet resources, fieldwork that includes interviews with two international travel companies and a trip to North Korea contributed to gathering information from different perspectives. Findings It is not surprising that North Korean tourism cannot be divorced from its political context. By looking at the political influence exerted by the North Korean Government on the structure of the industry, tourism policies applied to the organization of tours and the content of tourism and marketing, this paper shows the existence of elements that remained unchanged in the last three decades, as well as new liberal elements that transform North Korea into a more open and versatile tourism destination. Originality/value Based on an analysis of primary and secondary data, this paper makes original contributions to North Korea tourism studies by investigating the influence of the political ideology on different aspects of tourism industry and on tourist experience.

Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations in Africa: Retrospect and Prospects from Nigeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taiwo Akanbi Olaiya
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The North ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Intergovernmental Relation

This article diagnostically examined the several competing perspectives on the beleaguered nature of intergovernmental relations in Nigeria. Tracing the evolution of intergovernmental relation in Nigeria and espousing its legal, political and governance antecedents, the paper hazarded the undercurrent for the lingering conflicts between the center and the component units. The article also critically analyzed the impacts of the erstwhile British colonial strategy of division into regions as a means for administering the country and exploration of the mineral endowments in the 1950s on the composition and the current nature of predatory power that the center currently wields, much to the detriments and underfunding of the component units in the federation. The paper found evidences to showcase that because the British colonialists unduly queered the political pitch by allocating more seats to the North than to each of the other two regions at the center, intergovernmental relations in Nigeria has been quite contentious. If anything, a mutual suspicion between the North-dominated Federal Government and the Southern component units became a logical end. We concluded, among others, that notwithstanding the ample provisions in the 1999 Constitution for veritable intergovernmental relationship in Nigeria, there are still the intricate issues of regional domination of the center, leading to lack of political will to induce proper constitutional implementations.

Mastering the Perverse: State Building and Language “Purification” in Early Soviet Russia

Slavic Review ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
Michael S. Gorham
Keyword(s):  
Karl Marx ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Other ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Words ◽  
Governmental Power ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Final Expression

They cannot represent themselves, they must be represented. Their representative must at the same time appear as their master, as an authority over them, as an unlimited governmental power that protects them against the other classes and sends them the rain and the sunshine from above. The political influence of the small peasants…finds its final expression in the executive power subordinating society to itself.—Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," 1852This pursuit of new words, this fornication with language and excessive use of regional lexicons, I personally find most depressing. You must excuse me, but in this desire to decorate fiction with non-literary words one senses— apart from the littering of language with rubbish—a bourgeois aesthetic at work: the desire to decorate an icon with foil, paper flowers, and "grapes." This is bad.—Maksim Gor'kii, Selected Letters, 1926

scholarly journals Le elezioni comunali del maggio 2011 nei comuni italiani con oltre 15.000 abitanti: il voto per blocchi e per partiti

2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-65
Author(s):  
Federico De Lucia ◽  
Nicola Maggini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
The North ◽  
Disaggregated Data ◽  
Traditional Area ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Geographical Point ◽  
Simple Count

This article analyze the results of the italian municipal elections held in May 2011. First we make simple count of the municipalities won by varius political blocs, secondly we make a comparison with the results of regional elections of 2010. We have conpared data concerning both the performances of political blocks and those of the political parties who appeared in this elections. We also presents the results of disaggregated data, both from the demographics standpoint and from geographical point view. The analysis shows a clear electoraldefeat of the center-right coalition both in terms of municipalities lost and in terms of percentage of votes obtained. The fact that these two phenomena have occured especially in the North, its traditional area of electoral strenght, make this defeat particulary  significant. The centre left coalition, due the difficulties of itsopponent, gets a good results in terms of number of municipalities won, while not improving itsperformance in therm of percentages of votes obtained. The centrist coalition, finally, does not goet get agreat performance in terms of votes obtained, but it often proved decisive in forcing the other twoconditions to the second ballot.

scholarly journals Mletački kaštel u Zadru

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Emil Hilje
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Open Space ◽  
Sea Water ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Time Served ◽  
Venetian Republic ◽  
The Town

The medieval fortifications of Zadar were developed and enriched during the centuries as a consequence of changes in the entire defensive system of the town but also due to the political circumstances. Two main forts stood on opposite parts of the town, one facing away from the sea, next to the entrance from the moat (Foša) in the south corner, and the other at the entrance to the harbour in the north corner of the town. The information about the original fort next to the harbour entrance, which defended the chain barring enemy ships from entering the harbour, is scarce. However, after the famous Venetian siege and fall of Zadar in 1346, this fort was completely rebuilt and even given a new role. In 1437, the Venetian government decided to pierce the town walls and excavate a moat around the fortification, which would be filled with sea water, in order to create an open space around the fortification facing the town for defensive reasons. In other words, the nearby houses were torn down. In such a way the fortification, rather than being a fort which protects the town from external attacks,  became a fort in which the Venetian crew could, in case of a new rebellion, fight off the attacks from the town itself, receive supplies from the sea, and enable its fleet to enter the town harbour. In this way the Venetian fortification at Zadar became a variant of sorts of ancient citadels which represented the last line of defence in the cases when the enemies reach the town itself, and, at the same time, served as a stronghold of the ruling governments against the town. The relief of the winged lion, symbol of the Venetian Republic, incorporated in the façade of the ‘Little Armory’, is one of the best reliefs of that type at Zadar, and it can be dated to mid-fifteenth century and brought into connection with a group of artists from the circle of Juraj Dalmatinac.

scholarly journals Międzynarodowy kontekst odzyskania ziemi sławieńskiej przez Mściwoja II w 1283 r. i zawarcia sojuszu brandenbursko­­­‑wielkopolskiego

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-212
Author(s):  
Marek Smoliński
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
North Germany

Taking advantage of the war between the Margraves of Brandenburg and representatives of the federation of Rostock (1283–1284), in the spring­­­‑summer of 1283, Mściwój II, in collusion with Duke Przemysł II of Greater Poland, took the lands around Sławno from the Margraves of Brandenburg. Before the end of 1283, the Brandenburg House of Ascania/Anhalt, being embroiled in in a war in north Germany and in Pomerania, could not respond militarily. In December 1283, Ludgarda of Mecklenburg, the wife of Przemysł II, died in mysterious circumstances. Since just before her death the Duke turned from his policy up to then and entered into an alliance with his previous enemies the Margraves of Brandenburg (fighting in 1283–1284 with, among others, the mother, brothers, and other relatives of his dead wife), it appears that the matter of Ludgarda’s death and Przemysł political turn­­­‑about are linked. In initial peace negotiations in Vierraden (13 August 1284), Przemysł II was counted among the supporters of the Margraves of Brandenburg. Despite an agreement that was supposed to bring an end to the war with Pomerania and Rugia/Rügen and with the other members of the federation of Rostock (including the lords of Sławno and relatives of Ludgarda), the Duke was in need of a marriage­­­‑alliance that would strengthen his position in relation to the abandoned Pomeranian­­­‑Mecklenburg affiliation. It was to the Brandenburg Margraves’ Scandinavian contacts (important in the context of further relations of the House of Ascania/Anhalt with the trading cities of Połabie and Pomerania) that Przemysł II thanked the opportunity to balance the political influence of Ludgarda’s relatives and to enter into a marriage with Ryska, the daughter of Waldemar Birgersson and the ward of Magnus Birgersson Ladulås. This union also strengthened the Scandinavian influence of the Margraves. The Greater Poland-Brandenburg alliance determined the fact that for at least some time the House of Ascania/Anhalt gave up any attempt to recover the lands around Sławno.

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