scholarly journals Międzynarodowy kontekst odzyskania ziemi sławieńskiej przez Mściwoja II w 1283 r. i zawarcia sojuszu brandenbursko­­­‑wielkopolskiego

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-212
Author(s):  
Marek Smoliński

Taking advantage of the war between the Margraves of Brandenburg and representatives of the federation of Rostock (1283–1284), in the spring­­­‑summer of 1283, Mściwój II, in collusion with Duke Przemysł II of Greater Poland, took the lands around Sławno from the Margraves of Brandenburg. Before the end of 1283, the Brandenburg House of Ascania/Anhalt, being embroiled in in a war in north Germany and in Pomerania, could not respond militarily. In December 1283, Ludgarda of Mecklenburg, the wife of Przemysł II, died in mysterious circumstances. Since just before her death the Duke turned from his policy up to then and entered into an alliance with his previous enemies the Margraves of Brandenburg (fighting in 1283–1284 with, among others, the mother, brothers, and other relatives of his dead wife), it appears that the matter of Ludgarda’s death and Przemysł political turn­­­‑about are linked. In initial peace negotiations in Vierraden (13 August 1284), Przemysł II was counted among the supporters of the Margraves of Brandenburg. Despite an agreement that was supposed to bring an end to the war with Pomerania and Rugia/Rügen and with the other members of the federation of Rostock (including the lords of Sławno and relatives of Ludgarda), the Duke was in need of a marriage­­­‑alliance that would strengthen his position in relation to the abandoned Pomeranian­­­‑Mecklenburg affiliation. It was to the Brandenburg Margraves’ Scandinavian contacts (important in the context of further relations of the House of Ascania/Anhalt with the trading cities of Połabie and Pomerania) that Przemysł II thanked the opportunity to balance the political influence of Ludgarda’s relatives and to enter into a marriage with Ryska, the daughter of Waldemar Birgersson and the ward of Magnus Birgersson Ladulås. This union also strengthened the Scandinavian influence of the Margraves. The Greater Poland-Brandenburg alliance determined the fact that for at least some time the House of Ascania/Anhalt gave up any attempt to recover the lands around Sławno.

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E Baldwin

International trade seems to be a subject where the advice of economists is routinely disregarded. Economists are nearly unanimous in their general opposition to protectionism, but the increase in U.S. protection in recent years in such sectors as automobiles, steel, textiles and apparel, machine tools, footwear and semiconductors demonstrates that economists lack political influence on trade policy. Two broad approaches have been developed to analyze the political economics of trade policy and the processes that generate protectionism. One approach emphasizes the economic self-interest of the political participants, while the other stresses the importance of the broad social concerns of voters and public officials. This paper outlines the nature of the two approaches, indicating how they can explain the above anomalies and other trade policy behavior, and concludes with observations about integrating the two frameworks, conducting further research, and making policy based on the analysis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Badamasi Saidu ◽  
Zuwaira Haruna Rasheed ◽  
Ummu Atiyah Binti Ahmad Zakuan ◽  
Kamarul Zaman Bin Haji Yusoff

The success or otherwise of any police system lies in the institutional structure upon which the institution is framed. As a federation, there is need to stress for devolution of power through restructuring for effective police system. This is necessary giving the heightened insecurity and centralise nature of the police institution in the country. The over centralisation of policing has made the institution to be control and influence at the discretion of the political head as provided in section 214 of the 1999 constitution as amended. On the other hand, giving the political immaturity in Nigeria, decentralising the national policing to give way to state police also has its own implication of over beardedness, possible political influence of the governors against oppositions, poor funding and formalisation of political thugs and party supports at the detriment of the security business. In view of these therefore, effective police system will be achieved through constitutional amendment of section 214 by removing the discretional command of the political heads which derogated. The institution should be place under justice system to be govern by rule of law.


Author(s):  
Laurel Bossen ◽  
Hill Gates

This chapter continues the inquiry at the western edges of the North China Plain in Shanxi and Shaanxi. Here the four village sites present differences in cotton production, political influence, proximity to urban trade centers, and to the railroad. One northern site in Shanxi experienced the direct effects of the nearby Communist base in the 1930s. One village in Shaanxi lay in the heart of a rich cotton-growing region while the other in Shaanbei lacked locally grown cotton. The chapter focuses on the political and economic changes affecting women’s and girls’ hand work as well as the timing of footbinding’s decline at each site.


Slavic Review ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153
Author(s):  
Michael S. Gorham

They cannot represent themselves, they must be represented. Their representative must at the same time appear as their master, as an authority over them, as an unlimited governmental power that protects them against the other classes and sends them the rain and the sunshine from above. The political influence of the small peasants…finds its final expression in the executive power subordinating society to itself.—Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," 1852This pursuit of new words, this fornication with language and excessive use of regional lexicons, I personally find most depressing. You must excuse me, but in this desire to decorate fiction with non-literary words one senses— apart from the littering of language with rubbish—a bourgeois aesthetic at work: the desire to decorate an icon with foil, paper flowers, and "grapes." This is bad.—Maksim Gor'kii, Selected Letters, 1926


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Ernesto Ganuza Fernández ◽  
Francisco José Francés García

Questioning the social spiral deriving from participation has flared up the debate regarding the place it occupies in contemporary democracies. It does not seem possible to deny the evidence that many studies have pointed to regarding the political attitudes associated with institutionalised participation (associations). But we question in this study the fact that the whole participation phenomenon is equated with that type of participation. Our paper compares different ways of participation in a sample of European countries to, first, analyse the activities that can be linked to each form of participation and whether it can be held that they are different from the point of view of the individual. Second, we analyse the attitudes that lead individuals to choose one option over the other. We conclude that for individuals the different forms of participation are different forms of political engagement. Our study shows an evolution in non-institutional forms of participation over time that is difficult to ignore, from being expressions bordering illegality to taking them as normalised tools for citizens. We could now start to consider them from the point of view of the implications they have for democracy as a different way to exercise political influence.


1983 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 179-189
Author(s):  
Diana Wood

The attitude of the Limousin pope Clement VI to the early stages of the Hundred Years War between France and England occasioned conflicting verdicts. These varied predictably according to the nationality of their authors. One of the pope’s biographers, the Frenchman Jean la Porte, hailed him as a creator of concord, a lover of peace. By contrast the Englishman William of Ockham accused Clement of being ‘schismatic’, in the sense that he deliberately provoked hostilities between the two countries and favoured one side against the other. The German Conrad of Megenberg tried to adopt a via media. Replying to Ockham he claimed that he had himself seen Clement sending out cardinals to conduct peace negotiations between the kings of France and England. On the other hand, he was driven to admit Clement’s partiality, excusing it somewhat feebly on the grounds that the Holy See had always adhered more to France than to other nations, so one read. Some impression of the truth of these differing judgements can be gleaned from the registers of Clement’s correspondence, from the political collationes he delivered both as pope and earlier as Pierre Roger, the trusted counsellor and official of Philip VI, Valois, and from contemporary accounts of a peace conference over which the pope presided at Avignon in 1344.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


Author(s):  
Avi Max Spiegel

This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.


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