Social Risk and the Meaning of Sport

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
James H. Frey

The topic of risk is most often discussed in the literature on environmental, health, and technical hazards. More recently, however, it has become a topic of concern to social scientists who apply risk analysis to social relations and social structure. The concept of risk can be used in analyses of sport as a factor in analytical models and as a component of applied sport sociology. This essay considers definitions of risk, the sociological tradition in risk analysis, and the application of risk to sport studies.

10.12737/188 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Федорец ◽  
Aleksandr Fedorets

Analysis of risk as a concept from the point of view of its influence on human activity purposes is carried out in this article. The concepts of risk connected with desire to get the benefit and to evade from damage are considered. Yang risk and Yin risk concepts are entered, need of their joint account in the risk analysis is proved. The analysis of Uncertainty and Freedom concepts within a context of risk analysis is carried out. For risks in which two and more parties of interpersonal or social relations manifest their interest, it is shown that in this case each of the parties, pursuing its own aims, analyzes its risks and manages them. These risks don’t coincide in the same way as don’t coincide the parties’ interests therefore each party risks are subject for separate analysis, assessment and management. The concepts of «professional risk» as risk which owner is the worker as the holder of professional competences, « enterprise risk» which owner is the employer and «social risk» which owner is the government are entered and defined as separate elements of «occupational risk» — general complex «worker’s life and health risk», caused by enterprise production activity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ambrish Gautam ◽  

Status is a position provided to the person of the concern society based on societal norms, values and customary practices. It is further being divided into two parts, first one is the Ascribed status, and another is Achieved status. The ascribed status is assigned to a person by the group or society, whereas achieved status is earned by the individual through his/her personal attributes and is taken note of by the people in and around his/her location. It is also evident that in majority of the cases, the ascribed status always determines the nature and extent of the achieved status. The ascribed status of the Dalits contributes or hinders in the formation of their achieved status. It also includes their social interaction and social relations with non-Dalits in the exiting local level social structure. This status is being characterized and specified by the process of Sanskritization, social and religious reforms, and the constitutional provisions in the formation of achieved status of Dalits in their different strata of life. The social status is the convergent form of both the ascribed and achieved statuses of a person in each society or social structure. In every circumstance, one’s higher ascribed status always contributes positively to his or her higher achieved status. Conversely, lower the ascribed status, lower is the achieved status though this may be other way round in the exceptional case. Anyway, the symmetrical or linear relationship between the lower ascribed and achieved statuses gets more crystallized, if the person comes from a group which remains socially excluded forever. But due to the prospects of Independence, Education, Constitutional safeguards and Modernisation several kinds of changes occurred in the status of Dalit’s in the society. Through this paper, I have tried to identify the process of social status formation among Dalits in Jharkhand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ambrish Gautam ◽  

Status is a position provided to the person of the concern society based on societal norms, values and customary practices. It is further being divided into two parts, first one is the Ascribed status, and another is Achieved status. The ascribed status is assigned to a person by the group or society, whereas achieved status is earned by the individual through his/her personal attributes and is taken note of by the people in and around his/her location. It is also evident that in majority of the cases, the ascribed status always determines the nature and extent of the achieved status. The ascribed status of the Dalits contributes or hinders in the formation of their achieved status. It also includes their social interaction and social relations with non-Dalits in the exiting local level social structure. This status is being characterized and specified by the process of Sanskritization, social and religious reforms, and the constitutional provisions in the formation of achieved status of Dalits in their different strata of life. The social status is the convergent form of both the ascribed and achieved statuses of a person in each society or social structure. In every circumstance, one’s higher ascribed status always contributes positively to his or her higher achieved status. Conversely, lower the ascribed status, lower is the achieved status though this may be other way round in the exceptional case. Anyway, the symmetrical or linear relationship between the lower ascribed and achieved statuses gets more crystallized, if the person comes from a group which remains socially excluded forever. But due to the prospects of Independence, Education, Constitutional safeguards and Modernisation several kinds of changes occurred in the status of Dalit’s in the society. Through this paper, I have tried to identify the process of social status formation among Dalits in Jharkhand.


2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Thomas Juster ◽  
Hiromi Ono ◽  
Frank P. Stafford

Although time use has received much attention by social scientists as an index of resource allocation and social relations across groups, only a few studies have carefully assessed the relative strengths and weaknesses of the existing methods of measuring time use: time diary (TD), stylized (S) respondent report, and experiential sampling method (ESM). We note the varying degree of biases that arise in part from the extent of detail in the information collected by the three methods. Using findings from our analysis of the structure of these methods, we hypothesize that there are empirical exceptions to previously reported common findings that TD provides less biased information on time use than does S—namely (a) when labor market workers report their time spent on labor market work, and (b) when the historical trend in time, rather than the absolute level, is studied. Empirical results confirm our prediction and show that, among individuals who work regularly, TD and S estimates of labor market work hours reported by the same persons correspond closely to one another. In addition, when assessing historical trends, TD and S values correspond closely to one another, although TDs yield some inexplicable deviations from the trend even when the sample and the codes are carefully standardized. We also provide notes on a strategy of standardization for diary codes that are distinct across historical or national contexts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073527512110263
Author(s):  
S. L. Crawley ◽  
MC Whitlock ◽  
Jennifer Earles

Is queer social science possible? Early queer theorists disparaged empiricism as a normalizing, modernist discourse. Nonetheless, LGBTQI+ social scientists have applied queer concepts in empirical projects. Rather than seek a queer method, we ask, Is there an empirical perspective that (ontologically) envisions social relations more queerly—attending to discursive and materialist productions of reality? Dorothy Smith’s work foregrounds people’s activities of engaging texts and satisfies Black queer studies’ and new materialisms’ critiques of early queer theory. Underutilized and often misread, especially its ethnomethodological sensibilities and its vision of actors as relational, practical actors, her work shows how my race is not mine, it is ours; your sexual orientation is not yours, it is ours; their gender is not theirs, it is ours. Smith offers an ontology without essence, grand theory, or normativity, facilitating a range of queer, interpretive projects—from the intersectional to the transnational to the embodied.


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