The Economicization of the Cross-Strait Relationship: The Impact of the Cross-Strait Economic Relationship on the 2012 Presidential Election in Taiwan

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (02) ◽  
pp. 1650006
Author(s):  
MEI-CHUAN WEI ◽  
YAO-NAN HUNG ◽  
CHEN-YUAN TUNG

In comparing Taiwan’s presidential elections in 2012 and 2016, looking into the influence of the cross-Strait relationship is an important research topic. Analyses of the 2012 presidential election focusing on the cross-Strait relationship therefore serve as a useful reference for such a comparison. All comments on and analyses of the outcome of Taiwan’s 2012 presidential election point to the impact of the cross-Strait economic relationship. By drawing on economic statecraft theories, this paper explores the issue through analyzing post-election survey data. Our study shows that the concern with the impact of the negative development of the cross-Strait economic relationship on Taiwan’s economy had Ma Ying-jeou lost the election significantly influenced the decisions of those voters who were dissatisfied with President Ma’s performance during his first term and yet still voted for him in the election mainly because of Ma’s position on the cross-Strait relationship. They accounted for 5.75% of the total number of voters. Given that the winning margin in the 2012 presidential election was 5.97%, the decision made by the aforementioned voters could have changed the election result. It also shows that 73.7% of the cross-Strait relationship voters were cross-Strait economic voters. Our findings demonstrate that, although the cross-Strait relationship per se may not be the most crucial factor that determines the voting choice of the Taiwan people, it however proves the influence of the cross-Strait economic relationship over the election, hence the economicization of the cross-Strait relationship. By economicization, it is meant that the cross-Strait economic relationship appears to be a dominant issue in the cross-Strait relationship.

Author(s):  
Lyman A. Kellstedt ◽  
James L. Guth

Scholars of American electoral politics have documented the recent partisan realignment of religious groups. Indeed, careful analysts often find that religious variables are better predictors of partisan choice than classic socioeconomic divisions. Still, there has been relatively little effort to put this religious realignment in both theoretical and historical perspective. In this article, we update our previous work on the historical evolution of religious partisanship, demonstrating the continued relevance of ethnocultural (or ethnoreligious) theory, utilized by political historians, and restructuring theory, an important sociological perspective. Both viewpoints help us understand presidential elections since the 1930s, as we demonstrate with data from a wide range of surveys. After utilizing the 2020 Cooperative Election Study to examine the contemporary voting of ethnoreligious groups in greater detail, we test the impact of religious variables controlling for other demographic, attitudinal, and partisan influences and find that religious identities and orientations often retain independent influence even under stringent controls for other factors shaping the presidential vote.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Drew Thomas

The Bread and Peace model of US presidential elections estimates `VOTE`, the incumbent’s party’s share of the major-party vote, as a function of rates of personal-income growth and military fatalities during the incumbent president’s term. I replicate past work fitting the model to elections since 1952, confirming that income growth and war deaths account for most variation in VOTE. Using data available as of the end of October, I then develop 5 income-growth forecasts for Donald Trump’s presidential term and use them to forecast Trump’s share of the two-party vote in the 2020 election. My 5 forecasts range from 49.3% to 56.1% with a mean of 53.0%, notably higher than final polling averages of 45.6%–46.2% and a preliminary election result of 48%. An idiosyncratic factor such as the sitting president’s impeachment might account for the model overrating Donald Trump’s popular-vote performance.


Author(s):  
Jairo R. Montoya-Torres ◽  
Gloria L. Rodríguez-Verjan

Nowadays, implementing collaboration strategies between the members of the supply chain has been an important research topic to obtain a more reactive and flexible supply chain in the highly competitive markets. However, few studies have been done on the impact of such collaboration strategies at one of the lower short-term decision levels: production scheduling. This paper is devoted to the study of information sharing between the members of a supply chain in a dynamic context. We consider a typical make-to-order direct sell supply chain without finished products inventory, similar to the one implemented by Internet PC sellers. We compare various scheduling algorithms implemented to study different scenarios of information sharing among the members of the chain. We have considered scenarios where no information is shared and scenarios where some or all information is shared. A simulation study is developed in order to get some insights about the impact of information sharing on the performance of the chain. Our results suggest improvement in the performance that shows the importance of collaboration and information sharing between the members of the chain.


Author(s):  
Ramona McNeal ◽  
Lisa Dotterweich Bryan

The Internet has been incorporated into political campaigns for a number of purposes including making direct appeals to citizens through the Internet to vote, volunteer their time or donate money. An important question is can the Internet be utilized to increase voter turnout? The Internet has been found to hold the most promise in increasing turnout when it is used to facilitate get-out-the-vote (GOTV) drives. The purpose of this article is to determine what the impact of including smartphones into a GOTV effort may have on voter turnout. To explore this question, voter turnout strategies were examined for the 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections. The findings suggest that when smartphones are used as part of a mobilizing effort, they can help increase voter turnout. Nevertheless the findings also suggest that whether these GOTV drives increase turnout is dependent on which voters are targeted by mobilizing activities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Franz ◽  
Travis N. Ridout

The 2008 presidential election was historic in many respects. The campaign included the first African American major-party candidate, and neither candidate was an incumbent president or vice president. In addition, one candidate took public funding and the other candidate did not. This latter disparity resulted in an imbalance of resources across the two campaigns, especially in the purchase of political advertising. But did that imbalance matter for who won? Did advertising move voters, and if so, by how much? This article examines patterns of presidential ad buys in 2008 and compares them with presidential ad buys in 2004. It also examines the impact of advertising on county-level vote returns in both years. The results demonstrate some important differences in advertising patterns across years, especially in terms of ad sponsorship and market-level advertising advantages. We also find significant and strong advertising persuasion effects in 2008.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 979-996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Appleby ◽  
Christopher M. Federico

President Obama’s historic status as the nation’s first African American president has led to a “spillover” of racialization in the form of a strengthened relationship between racial attitudes and beliefs and judgments about policies he is associated with. We argue that even basic perceptions of the fairness of the presidential election became racialized in 2008 and 2012. Consistent with this, data from two national surveys revealed that Whites high in racial resentment and racial-stereotype endorsement were less likely to believe the 2008 and 2012 elections were conducted fairly, especially among those for whom the election result was unwelcome, that is, Republicans and conservatives. We find that this result is specific to years that Obama was on the ballot, suggesting a unique role for Obama’s candidacy in boosting the impact of racial attitudes and beliefs.


Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine voter turnout in every U.S. presidential election from 1972 through 2008 in order to address four questions regarding the changing political context of turnout. First, how have the demographics of turnout in presidential elections changed or remained the same since 1972? Second, what have been the consequences of the broad set of election reforms designed to make registration or voting easier that have been adopted over the past several decades? Third, what is the impact of the policy choices that candidates offer voters on who votes? And fourth, is the conclusion—of the now classic study of voter turnout in the United States by Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980)—that voters are representative of nonvoters on policy issues accurate, and therefore, who votes does not really matter? The findings on these four questions advance our understanding of turnout and its consequences for representation in fundamental ways.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-431
Author(s):  
Miriam S. Yates ◽  
Tyler G. Okimoto

Scholars have discussed the implications of positive leadership role models, including the impact of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton’s political rise for aspiring leaders of underrepresented groups. However, there are also potential ramifications when those role models fail, shaping broader beliefs about the permeability of the glass ceiling. The current research tests this idea by evaluating the perceived promotability of male and female business leaders before ( n = 165) and following ( n = 159) the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Results indicated that the election result negatively affected the perceived promotability of women relative to men. A conceptual replication study ( N = 997) manipulating election reminders yielded a similar pattern. Notably, respondents’ own beliefs about the glass ceiling and willingness to work with the targets did not change, suggesting that Clinton’s failed leadership bid informed predictions about the behavior of others, but it did not shift personal attitudes toward female leaders.


2013 ◽  
Vol 307 ◽  
pp. 498-501
Author(s):  
Feng Jiang ◽  
Liang Tu Song

In the disaster rescue process, how to reduce disaster losses as far as possible has become an important research topic. Based on MAS and complex adaptive system theory, this paper constructs a multi-agent model which contains rescue agents and victim agents. Through the full analysis of behaviors and influencing factors during the process, this model includes judgments of the rescue members, behaviors among victims and the impact of relief supplies.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeonghun Min

This article examines the impact of the “BBK” scandal on the 2007 Korean presidential election. Voters continue to support the “corrupt” candidate after the scandal, treating it as just one of the determinants for vote choice. The findings show that the implicit trading thesis applies to Korean presidential elections.


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