scholarly journals RELIGIOUS VOTING IN THE 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: TESTING ALTERNATIVE THEORIES

Author(s):  
Lyman A. Kellstedt ◽  
James L. Guth

Scholars of American electoral politics have documented the recent partisan realignment of religious groups. Indeed, careful analysts often find that religious variables are better predictors of partisan choice than classic socioeconomic divisions. Still, there has been relatively little effort to put this religious realignment in both theoretical and historical perspective. In this article, we update our previous work on the historical evolution of religious partisanship, demonstrating the continued relevance of ethnocultural (or ethnoreligious) theory, utilized by political historians, and restructuring theory, an important sociological perspective. Both viewpoints help us understand presidential elections since the 1930s, as we demonstrate with data from a wide range of surveys. After utilizing the 2020 Cooperative Election Study to examine the contemporary voting of ethnoreligious groups in greater detail, we test the impact of religious variables controlling for other demographic, attitudinal, and partisan influences and find that religious identities and orientations often retain independent influence even under stringent controls for other factors shaping the presidential vote.

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (02) ◽  
pp. 1650006
Author(s):  
MEI-CHUAN WEI ◽  
YAO-NAN HUNG ◽  
CHEN-YUAN TUNG

In comparing Taiwan’s presidential elections in 2012 and 2016, looking into the influence of the cross-Strait relationship is an important research topic. Analyses of the 2012 presidential election focusing on the cross-Strait relationship therefore serve as a useful reference for such a comparison. All comments on and analyses of the outcome of Taiwan’s 2012 presidential election point to the impact of the cross-Strait economic relationship. By drawing on economic statecraft theories, this paper explores the issue through analyzing post-election survey data. Our study shows that the concern with the impact of the negative development of the cross-Strait economic relationship on Taiwan’s economy had Ma Ying-jeou lost the election significantly influenced the decisions of those voters who were dissatisfied with President Ma’s performance during his first term and yet still voted for him in the election mainly because of Ma’s position on the cross-Strait relationship. They accounted for 5.75% of the total number of voters. Given that the winning margin in the 2012 presidential election was 5.97%, the decision made by the aforementioned voters could have changed the election result. It also shows that 73.7% of the cross-Strait relationship voters were cross-Strait economic voters. Our findings demonstrate that, although the cross-Strait relationship per se may not be the most crucial factor that determines the voting choice of the Taiwan people, it however proves the influence of the cross-Strait economic relationship over the election, hence the economicization of the cross-Strait relationship. By economicization, it is meant that the cross-Strait economic relationship appears to be a dominant issue in the cross-Strait relationship.


The Forum ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornell W. Clayton ◽  
Michael F. Salamone

AbstractThis article examines the Roberts Court and its relationship to the Obama administration following the 2014 midterm election. We begin by analyzing how the Court has been structured by electoral politics during the past 40 years, arguing that the Court’s more conservative, divided, and polarized decision-making reflects the politics of the post-1968 electoral regime. We then consider the impact of the 2014 midterm election. Republican control of the Senate will constrain the president’s ability to shape the federal courts going forward. It will most likely leave the composition of the current Supreme Court intact, leave Justice Kennedy as the pivotal swing vote, while elevating the Court as a campaign issue in the 2016 presidential election.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
Mária Havelková

Church registration represents a legitimate instrument of surveillance over religious groups. In the Slovak Republic, registered churches are funded directly out of the State budget and dispose of a wide range of other financial, as well as non-financial benefits. Slovakia has recently tightened up the already strict registration criterion of a number of supporters. According to the currently effective legislation, a church or religious society applying for registration must provide evidence of having over 50,000 members. The main aim of this article is to analyse the impact of the new Slovak legislation on the freedom of religion with a focus on assessment of whether the rang of rights and duties for registered churches are the same as for not registered ones and whether this measure is in conformity with human rights standards applied in the European Union, as well as the Council of Europe.


Author(s):  
Ramona McNeal ◽  
Lisa Dotterweich Bryan

The Internet has been incorporated into political campaigns for a number of purposes including making direct appeals to citizens through the Internet to vote, volunteer their time or donate money. An important question is can the Internet be utilized to increase voter turnout? The Internet has been found to hold the most promise in increasing turnout when it is used to facilitate get-out-the-vote (GOTV) drives. The purpose of this article is to determine what the impact of including smartphones into a GOTV effort may have on voter turnout. To explore this question, voter turnout strategies were examined for the 2008 and 2012 U.S. presidential elections. The findings suggest that when smartphones are used as part of a mobilizing effort, they can help increase voter turnout. Nevertheless the findings also suggest that whether these GOTV drives increase turnout is dependent on which voters are targeted by mobilizing activities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Franz ◽  
Travis N. Ridout

The 2008 presidential election was historic in many respects. The campaign included the first African American major-party candidate, and neither candidate was an incumbent president or vice president. In addition, one candidate took public funding and the other candidate did not. This latter disparity resulted in an imbalance of resources across the two campaigns, especially in the purchase of political advertising. But did that imbalance matter for who won? Did advertising move voters, and if so, by how much? This article examines patterns of presidential ad buys in 2008 and compares them with presidential ad buys in 2004. It also examines the impact of advertising on county-level vote returns in both years. The results demonstrate some important differences in advertising patterns across years, especially in terms of ad sponsorship and market-level advertising advantages. We also find significant and strong advertising persuasion effects in 2008.


2004 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Brunell ◽  
John DiNardo

Borrowing an approach from the literature on the economics of discrimination, we estimate the impact of nonvoters on the outcome of presidential elections from 1952–2000 using data from the National Election Study (NES). Our estimates indicate that nonvoters are, on average, slightly more likely to support the Democratic Party. Of the 13 presidential elections between 1952 and 2000 we find no change in the eventual outcome of the election with two possible exceptions: 1980 and 2000. Thus our results are not all that dissimilar from other research on participation. Higher turnout in the form of compulsory voting would not radically change the partisan distribution of the vote. When elections are sufficiently close, however, a two percentage point increase may suffice to affect the outcome. Limitations of the NES data we use suggest that our estimates underestimate the impact of nonparticipation. We also compare our method with other econometric techniques. Finally, using our findings we speculate as to why the Democratic Party fails to undertake widespread “get out the vote” or registration drives.


Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine voter turnout in every U.S. presidential election from 1972 through 2008 in order to address four questions regarding the changing political context of turnout. First, how have the demographics of turnout in presidential elections changed or remained the same since 1972? Second, what have been the consequences of the broad set of election reforms designed to make registration or voting easier that have been adopted over the past several decades? Third, what is the impact of the policy choices that candidates offer voters on who votes? And fourth, is the conclusion—of the now classic study of voter turnout in the United States by Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980)—that voters are representative of nonvoters on policy issues accurate, and therefore, who votes does not really matter? The findings on these four questions advance our understanding of turnout and its consequences for representation in fundamental ways.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeonghun Min

This article examines the impact of the “BBK” scandal on the 2007 Korean presidential election. Voters continue to support the “corrupt” candidate after the scandal, treating it as just one of the determinants for vote choice. The findings show that the implicit trading thesis applies to Korean presidential elections.


The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Campbell ◽  
James R. G. Kirk ◽  
Geoffrey C. Layman

Abstract Religion played a prominent role in the 2020 presidential campaign. Donald Trump overtly courted white evangelical Protestants and Catholics, while Joe Biden emphasized his Catholicism far more than any Catholic candidate in American history. Did religion play as important a role in electoral behavior in 2020? If so, how and why did religion affect Americans’ voting decisions? We take up those questions by analyzing the religious vote in 2020 and the reasons why particular religious and non-religious groups voted as they did. We find that the religious divisions in the 2020 electorate were quite deep, but they were mostly unchanged from those present in 2016. Moreover, some electoral differences between religious groups are based in factors such as racial resentment, support for limited government, and anti-immigration attitudes that are not typically associated with religion. However, a key explanation for religious voting in 2020 was an old standby: the abortion issue. The religion gap in American electoral politics represents an enduring divide. The only changes were at the margins—but where elections are close, margins matter.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chalimah .

eamwork is becoming increasingly important to wide range of operations. It applies to all levels of the company. It is just as important for top executives as it is to middle management, supervisors and shop floor workers. Poor teamwork at any level or between levels can seriously damage organizational effectiveness. The focus of this paper was therefore to examine whether leadership practices consist of team leader behavior, conflict resolution style and openness in communication significantly influenced the team member’s satisfaction in hotel industry. Result indicates that team leader behavior and the conflict resolution style significantly influenced team member satisfaction. It was surprising that openness in communication did not affect significantly to the team members’ satisfaction.


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