Japanese Politics in 2012–2013: Return of the Right?

2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (01) ◽  
pp. 87-93
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Right winger Abe Shinzo became Prime Minister of Japan again after leading his party to a landslide victory in the December 2012 Lower House Election. However, Abe is likely to be a “pragmatic hawk” who will prioritise economic growth and seek to avoid diplomatic ruptures with China and South Korea.

2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (01) ◽  
pp. 121-129
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

In 2014, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo dominated Japanese politics. He successfully hiked the consumption tax in April and decisively won the Lower House Election in November. In an ideological tilt to the right, Abe also shifted Japan away from its post-war pacifism by making a cabinet decision to accept collective security. By paving the way for Japan to exercise military force through the assistance of third parties beyond its US ally, Abe will fundamentally change the role and identity of Japan in the post-Cold War era.


2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Robert E. Bedeski

After decades of intensive economic growth Japan is under pressure to translate its material success into international influence. This new role appears to be taking shape under Prime Minister Nakasone. The country faces rising protectionism sentiments from its major trading partners, and a growing military threat from the USSR. Nakasone has maintained a solid working relation with President Reagan, while adopting a hawkish stance towards the USSR. Nevertheless, Japan still remains under the US nuclear umbrella. Nakasone has pursued closer relations with South Korea. His first foreign visit as prime minister was to Seoul. The Chinese have been concerned about symptoms of remilitarization on the one hand, but also recognize that a greated Japanese security presence will help to diffuse the Soviet threat in the region, thus relieving pressure on Beijing. The first six months of Nakasone's administration thus indicated that Japan may be embarking on a diplomatic and defence course which has a higher profile than in the past.


Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Estéévez-Abe

This article argues that the political drama surrounding Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro is a direct result of the political reforms implemented in Japan during the last decade. The new rules of the game have produced a structural force pushing Japan to resemble a Westminster system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 115-122
Author(s):  
Peng Er LAM

Notwithstanding two personal scandals, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo won the October Lower House Election thanks to the North Korean nuclear “threat” and a fragmented political opposition. Both China and Japan now have strong and powerful top leaders in President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Abe Shinzo. Presumably, both have a freer hand to rein in the nationalist elements within their countries and broker deals and compromises. Sino-Japanese relations might well be on the mend.


Subject Profile of Minister of Defence Tomomi Inada. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's appointment this month of Tomomi Inada as defence minister was depicted as provocative by spokespeople in Seoul and Beijing. South Korea's SBS television called her "a right-winger who rejects the comfort women issue and the rulings of the Tokyo [war crimes] tribunal", while Chinese state-run television reported that Inada "has visited Yasukuni Shrine many times" and "denies Japan's history of aggression". Inada has occupied a high-profile role since her election to the lower house in 2005, and even before that championed revisionist causes. Impacts As a new face in a key cabinet position Inada will refresh the LDP's image. In interviews since her appointment Inada has shown restraint, suggesting that policy will not shift markedly to the right. Abe's government has always had close links with the far right; Inada's appointment is not a new direction.


Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene Park ◽  
Steven Vogel

Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro stepped down in September 2006 after a five-year term in which he reshaped Japanese politics by undermining his own party's political machine, stretched the constraints on Japan's military role, and promoted a program of ““structural”” economic reform. In his final year in office, he confronted a backlash against his economic reform program and presided over a chill in relations with China and South Korea. Abe Shinzo replaced Koizumi, pledging to repair relations with Japan's neighbors and to promote a pro-growth economic strategy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Purnendra Jain

Japan’s upper house, the House of Councillors, is a less powerful body than the House of Representatives, the lower house of the national Diet. Yet, electoral results of the upper house can have a significant impact on the government of the day, both for legislative purposes and for judging the credibility of the ruling party and its leader. This article analyses the July 2019 election and its likely impact on the Abe administration, and implications for Japan’s parliamentary democracy and party politics. The article argues that opposition forces are highly fragmented and weak, sustaining the LDP’s dominance in Japanese politics. Such a political landscape is welcomed by the ruling party and its leader, but continuing to entrench the hold on national governance by one dominant party is unhealthy for Japanese democracy.


Subject The outlook for politics in Japan in 2020. Significance Domestic politics in 2020 will focus on four issues: reform of the country’s constitution, the competition to succeed Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, a possible snap lower house election and potential unification of the centre-left opposition parties ahead of it. Impacts Debates over constitution reform will likely result in a simple proposal to make Japan’s armed forces unambiguously constitutional. Abe’s promise to revise the constitution before the Tokyo Olympics next summer will be hard, if not impossible, to achieve. An expenses scandal currently dominating the headlines will embarrass Abe but is not a serious threat to him. Abe, now Japan’s longest-serving prime minister ever, is likely to step down in 2021.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-362
Author(s):  
Myungji Yang

Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.


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