Notes on the Writing of Scientific English for Japanese Physicists

2014 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Leggett

The main guiding principles I have used are the following. First, it is much more important that the English written by Japanese authors be clear and easily readable than that it be elegant. Therefore, in a situation where there is a choice between an elegant form of expression which, however, may easily lead to confusion if misused and a less elegant but practically "foolproof" one, I have never hesitated to recommend the latter. Secondly, the importance of avoiding a mistake is roughly proportional to the amount of misunderstanding it may entail and/or the amount of psychological "wear and tear" it may cause on the reader's nerves. Accordingly, I have spent a good deal of space on "macroscopic" points like sentence construction, and proportionately less on "microscopic" ones like the correct use of "a" and "the"; prepositions, which most Japanese writers seem to consider a major point of difficulty in writing English, I have scarcely mentioned, not only because this is the sort of point for which one can easily refer to dictionaries but because I believe the reader can usually correct any mistakes for himself with very little mental effort. Thirdly, the usefulness of a set of notes such as this is much reduced if the rules given become too complicated. Therefore, rather than give a complicated set of rules which would ensure correctness 100% of the time, I have often preferred to give a simple rule which will be right 95% of the time, provided that in the other 5% of cases, it is unlikely to lead to confusion. I do not claim that anyone who tries to follow the advice given here will write beautiful or even invariably correct English; but I hope that what he writes will be clear and readable and that any mistakes he does make will be minor ones.

1981 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Orme

During the last hundred years our knowledge of the educational institutions of medieval England has steadily increased, both of schools and universities. We know a good deal about what they taught, how they were organised and where they were sited. The next stage is to identify their relationship with the society which they existed to serve. Whom did they train, to what standards and for what ends? These questions pose problems. They cannot be answered from the constitutional and curricular records which tell us about the structure of educational institutions. Instead, they require a knowledge of the people—the pupils and scholars—who went to the medieval schools and universities. We need to recover their names, to compile their biographies and thereby to establish their origins, careers and attainments. If this can be done on a large enough scale, the impact of education on society will become clearer. In the case of the universities, the materials for this task are available and well known. Thanks to the late Dr A. B. Emden, most of the surviving names of the alumni of Oxford and Cambridge have been collected and published, together with a great many biographical records about them. For the schools, on the other hand, where most boys had their literary education if they had one at all, such data are not available. Except for Winchester and Eton, we do not possess lists of the pupils of schools until the middle of the sixteenth century, and there is no way to remedy the deficiency.


Legal Studies ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-355
Author(s):  
FR Barker ◽  
NDM Parry

There is nothing new about legal rules which provide that a person who is in control of land owes a duty of care to entrants thereto. These occupiers’ liability rules are often seen as something primarily to do with tort, but their content and substance are also likely to reveal a good deal about the ‘property policy’ of the legal system in question, in the sense that they will indicate the respective weight and importance attachkd to various kinds of competing claim over land. A legal system containing rules that restrict the circumstances in which those with individual, controlling claims over land owe a duty of care to other persons entering that land would appear to indicate a policy preference for supporting and protecting ‘private property’ claims to land above others. On the other hand, a system which imposes on those controlling land a greater degree of legal responsibility for persons entering thereon may be one based on a policy of recognising, protecting and supporting a range of claims in land beyond those of a narrow, private nature.


1961 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 42-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. Metcalf

The Byzantine coinage in the twelfth century was of three kinds. There were gold nomismata, with a purchasing power which must have been a good deal greater than that of a present-day five-pound note, and also nomismata of ‘pale gold’—gold alloyed with silver—of lower value; at the other extreme there were bronze coins, smaller than a modern farthing, which were the coinage of the market-place; intermediate, but still of low value, there were coins about the size of a halfpenny, normally made of copper lightly washed with silver. The silvered bronze and the gold were not flat, as are most coins, but saucer-shaped. The reason for their unusual form is not known. Numismatists describe them as scyphate, and refer to the middle denomination in the later Byzantine system of coinage as Scyphate Bronze, to distinguish it from the petty bronze coinage. Scyphate Bronze was first struck under Alexius I (1081–1118). Substantive issues were made by John II (1118–43), and such coinage became extremely plentiful under Manuel I (1143–80) and his successors Isaac II (1185–95) and Alexius III (1195–1203). After the capture of Constantinople in the course of the Fourth Crusade, the successor-states to the Byzantine Empire at Nicaea, Salonica, and in Epirus continued to issue scyphate bronze coinage, although in much smaller quantities, until after the middle of the thirteenth century.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 841-852
Author(s):  
W. L. Minear

The majority of the members of the American Academy for Cerebral Palsy voted to exclude progressive neurological diseases and neoplastic diseases of the brain from the classification of cerebral palsy. The lesion left by the removal of a brain tumor, however, is still considered one of the etiological factors of cerebral palsy. Cerebral palsy comprises the motor and other symptom complexes caused by a non-progressive brain lesion (or lesions). The nomenclature and classification questionnaires indicate that the members of the American Academy for Cerebral Palsy wish to accept a motor classification, listing each type of cerebral palsy separately: Spastic, Athetoid, Tremor, Rigidity, Ataxic, Atonic, and Mixed. The following choices as a basis for classification of cerebral palsy were made by the American Academy for Cerebral Palsy: First choice: Motor Symptoms Second choice: Topographic Involvement Third choice: Etiology Fourth choice: Anatomical Site (of lesion) Fifth choice: Severity of Involvement Sixth choice: Degree of Muscle Tone Seventh choice: Supplemental Data The first 3 choices above should be used by the medical record librarian and by doctors discharging patients with cerebral palsy from hospitals or institutions so as to establish a common understanding and uniformity to hospital records. It is understood that the neuroanatomical classification (Fourth choice) is to be used when it can be proven, but not by presumption. The majority of the members approve of tension, non-tension, dystonic, and tremor-like types of athetosis. The other types were rejected for various reasons. Probably, some of the other types would have been accepted if understood by the members. Each type is described and defined herein. There is a general lack of agreement on the various terms used in cerebral palsy. Definitions of these terms are now being made by a committee for a meeting in 1955. There is a good deal of evidence that neurological signs and symptoms change in the child with cerebral palsy as the nervous system matures and that one must be cautious in making a final descriptive or symptomatic diagnosis in infancy. The pattern of changing neurological symptoms from infancy through childhood should be studied. The high cervical syndrome described by Fay is being confused with cerebral palsy. This syndrome needs further study. It should be determined whether the term cerebrospinal palsy would not be more appropriate for the entire neurological group. The American Medical Association's Standard Nomenclature of Diseases and Operations (Fourth Edition), commonly used by medical record librarians, is not suitable for the classification of cerebral palsy. In this edition, all cerebral palsy is coded "Cerebral spastic infantile paralysis" with supplementary terms added to denote various types. A complete classification for cerebral palsy is presented, using the majority opinion from questionnaires sent to the members of the American Academy for Cerebral Palsy during 1953 as a basis.


Author(s):  
Vincent Sherry

This essay engages the values, attitudes, and practices of ‘sacrifice’ in the cultural history and literary and visual representations of the Great War (discussing works by Richard Aldington, David Jones and Ford Madox Ford). It demonstrates how extensively the idea of sacrifice was appealed to in the official record, and it shows how this political construction was responded to, almost always critically and negatively, in a literature of major record. The chief ideas turn around the fact that a sacrificial victim, in order to be effective, needs to be ‘worth’ a good deal; this calculation is profoundly altered in the ongoing, increasingly wholesale character of slaughter in the war. This disenchantment provides a major point of reference for our understanding of the war as a watershed in European and world-cultural history.


Author(s):  
Roger Ling ◽  
Paul Arthur ◽  
Georgia Clarke ◽  
Estelle Lazer ◽  
Lesley A. Ling ◽  
...  

Much of the ensuing discussion will focus on the working-out of structural sequences, first within individual houses or parts of houses, then within the insula as a whole. As a preface to this discussion, it is necessary to give a description of the building materials and techniques found in the insula. Brief surveys of Pompeian building techniques have appeared in various publications. Still one of the most serviceable accounts is that of R. C. Carrington in his article ‘Notes on the building materials of Pompeii” published in 1933, and most of the forms of construction found in I10 are discussed therein. First, the materials. The commonest is the socalled ‘Sarno stone’ (often inaccurately called limestone’), a yellowish white calcareous tufa which is very rough and porous, being riddled with the imprints of shells and vegetable matter; it is used both in large blocks to form quoins and the like and in smaller rubble for facing and infilling of all types. Next most common is a hard grey (trachytic) lava which is stronger and more water resistant than Sarno stone but which, because it is less easy to cut into regular shapes, is generally employed in the form of small rubble. An exception to this rule is its use for door thresholds, where its hardness is well suited to withstanding wear and tear. Rather less common in our insula is the red or purple vesicular lava known as cruma (English “scoria”), derived from the frothy upper crust of consolidated lava streams; it is occasionally cut into small blocks but more normally occurs as a sporadic material in rubble wall-facings where Sarno stone and grey lava predominate. The other main lithic materials found in the insula are varieties of tufo (tuff), formed by the consolidation of volcanic ashes. The brown or grey tuff from Nuceria (modern Nocera) is a hard and close-grained material containing darker brown or blackish specks. It can be easily cut to shape when freshly exposed in the quarry but hardens later on contact with the air, so is ideally suited for producing ashlar blocks, small tufelli (blocks of similar size to modern house bricks) and the pyramidal pieces used in reticulate work (opus reticulaium: see below), not to mention carved detail such as column and pilaster capitals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-305
Author(s):  
Catriona Ida Macleod ◽  
Sunil Bhatia ◽  
Wen Liu

In this special issue, we bring together papers that speak to feminisms in relation to decolonisation in the discipline of psychology. The six articles and two book reviews address a range of issues: race, citizenship, emancipatory politics, practising decolonial refusal, normalising slippery subjectivity, Islamic anti-patriarchal liberation psychology, and decolonisation of the hijab. In this editorial we outline the papers’ contributions to discussions on understanding decolonisation, how feminisms and decolonisation speak to each other, and the implications of the papers for feminist decolonising psychology. Together the papers highlight the importance of undermining the gendered coloniality of power, knowledge and being. The interweaving of feminisms and decolonising efforts can be achieved through: each mutually informing and shaping the other, conducting intersectional analyses, and drawing on transnational feminisms. Guiding principles for feminist decolonising psychology include: undermining the patriarchal colonialist legacy of mainstream psychological science; connecting gendered coloniality with other systems of power such as globalisation; investigating topics that surface the intertwining of colonialist and gendered power relations; using research methods that dovetail with feminist decolonising psychology; and focussing praxis on issues that enable decolonisation. Given the complexities of the coloniality and patriarchy of power-knowledge-being, feminist decolonising psychology may fail. The issues raised in this special issue point to why it mustn’t.


1879 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-237
Author(s):  
T. E. Colebrooke

It is well known that proper names in the East, and especially among the Mohammadans, follow no such simple rule as that which has long prevailed in modern Europe, where the Christian name or names conferred in infancy and the family name or surnames are usually borne through life, and where it is a matter of suspicion to have an alias. In the East, on the other hand, we hear of persons gathering up in the course of their career a variety of names, and being popularly known by one or other of them at different periods, and to an extent that gives rise to perplexity. This was notably the case among the Arabs in the height of their preeminence. A person might receive a name in his infancy (usually conferred on his birth or at his circumcision), and to this might be added a patronymic, or a name expressive of his paternal or family relations. He might then receive a title expressive of his zeal for the faith, and soubriquets descriptive of his personal qualities or appearance, or the country or town in which he was born or had settled, or the religious sect to which he belonged ; and if he played a part in public life, to all these might be added, as in Europe, a title or titles of dignity; and if he had acquired a reputation as an author, he might assume some name of fancy. These various names or titles might never be united in the same individual, but the combinations are numerous and shifting. Certain rules are observed in their formation or application, but it was a matter of accident by which of these designations a person might be known to his contemporaries, or his name transmitted to modern times.


1949 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Capell

WHILST the tonal languages spoken in West Africa have latterly received W a good deal of attention, it has not been generally realized that such languages are found also in parts of New Guinea. In New Guinea there are in fact two types of tonal languages. In one, the tones may be described as ” ornamental”, i.e. though they exist they do not seem to have semantic value, but rather to be connected with a certain type of sentence rhythm; in the other the tone systems are more definitely akin to those of Western Africa, and in such languages tones do possess semantic value. It is interesting that one at least of the latter group of languages tends also to be monosyllabic. It is hoped to provide a study of the former class of languages—at least one representative of which is also found in Northern Australia—at a later date. The present paper is occupied with the languages in which tones do have semantic value.These languages, so far as has been observed yet, are two in number, and they are spoken along the shores of Huon Gulf, in north-eastern New Guinea. The map on p. 186 will show their locations. Both belong to the group of languages known as Melanesian, and this makes the occurrence of tones even less expected. A considerable number of other languages are spoken round about this area, and though some of these also are Melanesian, they do not seem to have developed tones. Moreover, it would seem that the use of tones in these two languages antedates the coming of the Melanesian languages, for reasons that will be given towards the end of this paper.


1980 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Margareta Fredborg

Summary As early as the 12th century the concept of universal grammar became a commonly discussed and accepted doctrine among the Latin grammarians. Universal grammar is discussed within the context of whether grammar (and the other Liberal Arts) could be diversified into species, i. e., the grammar of the individual languages. Some grammarians accepted the existence of ‘species grammaticae’ but only with the proviso that there were to be two kinds of grammarians: the teacher of grammar expounding the universal grammar and the person exercising his linguistic competence in the individual languages. Along with the interest in the ‘species grammaticae’ grew a continuous interest in crosslinguistc analysis by appeal to the vernacular on matters of pronunciation, semantics and syntax. By the end of the century more determined efforts were made to solve the questions of the identity of words in different languages. These attempts proved abortive with respect to the precise description of pronunciation, orthography and morphosyntactical features, whereas a more dialectically orientated analysis of requirements for sentence-constituents is handled successfully. Further, a good deal of the upsurge of cross-linguistic analysis is hampered by the stricter adherence to the formal features as found in the established theoretical framework of Latin grammar, to the detriment of linguistic description of the vernacular, to which no theoretical foundation is conceded.


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