scholarly journals Grand Strategy and the (Re)Shaping of Greece–China Relations

Author(s):  
Alexandra Doga ◽  
Andreas Lioumpas ◽  
Sotiris Petropoulos

This paper assesses China–Greece relations since 2006, examining them as part of China’s Grand Strategy, and Greece’s perception of them. The first aim of the paper is to provide an overview of China–Greece relations in connection with its long- and short-term goals. In essence, it focuses on understanding whether a Chinese Grand Strategy towards Greece exists. Second, it aims to examine the perception of Greeks over China’s foreign policy towards Greece. The intended contribution of the paper is to illustrate the response of national discourses over China’s increased presence in both the global sphere and specific countries. By offering the Greek perspective, we ultimately seek to provide a more balanced foundation for the ongoing scholarly and policy debate.

Subject The United Kingdom’s post-Brexit foreign policy. Significance A recent public disagreement between Prime Minister Theresa May and Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson has shed light on an evolving series of tensions surrounding the overall direction of the United Kingdom’s foreign policy in light of the referendum decision to leave the EU. Impacts The short-term coherence of UK foreign policy may be unclear to international actors. The sense of uncertainty triggered by Brexit is likely to extend over the coming years. Scottish independence would diminish the United Kingdom’s importance as an international actor even further.


2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (01) ◽  
pp. 62-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongnian ZHENG ◽  
Liang Fook LYE

China under President Xi Jinping has apparently formulated a grand foreign policy strategy and is in the midst of implementing it. In particular, Xi has called on China to develop a “distinctive diplomatic approach befitting its role as a major country”, as opposed to Deng Xiaoping's foreign policy dictum of “hiding one's capabilities and biding one's time”. China has been pro-active in seizing the initiative and even setting the agenda in regional, if not, international affairs.


Author(s):  
Asle Toje

We do not want to place anyone into the shadow, we also claim our place in the sun.” In a foreign policy debate in the German parliament on December 6. 1897 the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Bernhard von Bülow, articulated the foreign policy aspirations of the ascendant Wilhelmine Germany. This proved easier said than done. In 1907, Eyre Crowe of the British Foreign Office penned his famous memorandum where he accounted for “the present state of British relations with France and Germany.” He concluded that Britain should meet imperial Germany with “unvarying courtesy and consideration” while maintaining “the most unbending determination to uphold British rights and interests in every part of the globe.”...


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 528-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Lieberthal

Mao Tse-tung died on 9 September 1976. On 6 October, with the arrest of four leading members of the Politburo, Hua Kuo-feng became Mao Tse-tung's successor. Since then the Chinese media have vilified the “gang of four” as “splittists” who had worked together for years to divide the Party and promote their own personal fortunes. According to the victors, policy issues had little to do with the activities of this nefarious “gang.” Rather, lust for personal power and desire for wealth alone inspired them to wage partisan warfare within the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party.


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