Cardiovascular responses in black and white males during exercise?

1993 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 1432-1433
Author(s):  
J. E. Cotes ◽  
J. W. Reed
1993 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 755-760 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. J. Berry ◽  
T. J. Zehnder ◽  
C. B. Berry ◽  
S. E. Davis ◽  
S. K. Anderson

Previous investigations have shown blacks to have a significantly lower resting heart rate (HR) compared with whites. Our purpose was to determine if this difference exists during submaximal exercise and to compare other cardiovascular responses during submaximal exercise in black and white males. Sixteen black and 16 white males matched on age, body surface area, and maximal O2 consumption exercised at 0, 50, and 100 W on a cycle ergometer. HR, O2 consumption, and cardiac output via CO2 rebreathing were measured at rest and at each work rate. Stroke volume was then calculated. O2 consumption was not significantly different between blacks and whites at rest or at work rates of 0, 50, or 100 W. Cardiac output increased from rest with 0, 50, and 100 W work for both blacks and whites (6.1 to 13.0, 14.4, and 16.9 l/min and 5.7 to 12.2, 14.3, and 16.3 l/min, respectively). The differences in cardiac output between blacks and whites at rest and all work rates were not statistically significant. At rest and work rates of 0, 50, and 100 W, HR was significantly lower in blacks compared with whites (71, 99, 108, and 119 beats/min vs. 80, 107, 114, and 127 beats/min, respectively). The lower HR in blacks compared with whites was accompanied by a trend toward a higher stroke volume at rest and work rates of 0, 50, and 100 W (85.2, 130.3, 134.7, and 142.9 ml vs. 72.5, 114.9, 126.4, and 127.4 ml, respectively). No differences in resting blood pressures were found.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-67
Author(s):  
Bartholomew Armah

Using input-output data for 1987 and 1990, this study identifies the demographic characteristics of trade-affected workers in U.S. manufacturing and service industries. Trade-affected workers are defined as employees in industries that experienced a change (positive or negative) in net total (direct and indirect) trade-related employment between 1987 and 1990. For the period 1987–1990, three industry categories were examined: (a) industries that experienced an increase in positive net trade-related employment; (b) industries that experienced a decline in positive net trade-related employment; and (c) industries that suffered net trade-related employment losses in both years yet experienced an improvement over the period. The study finds that, while manufacturing industry workers in the most favorably affected industry group (i.e., group “a”) were more likely to be highly skilled (i.e., scientists & engineers), highly educated (i.e., over four years of college education), unionized, married and white males, corresponding service sector workers were predominantly unskilled (laborers), less educated, non-unionized, young (i.e., aged 16–24) and male (black and white). Furthermore, the service sector was associated with greater mean trade-related employment and output gains and lower mean employment and output losses than was the manufacturing sector.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet L. Lauritsen ◽  
Karen Heimer ◽  
Joseph B. Lang

AbstractLatino and Black males are more likely to suffer serious violent victimization compared to White males, and it is likely that economic disadvantage and other individual level differences play a key role in these disparities. This study of self-reported data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (1973–2010) is the first effort to assess three important issues: 1) the extent to which the relationship between serious violent victimization and race and ethnicity can be accounted for by age, location of residence, poverty status, and employment; 2) whether these factors have similar influences among Black, White, and Latino males; and 3) whether the net risk for violence associated with race and ethnicity has diminished over time. Our results show that disparities between Black and White male violent victimization decrease approximately 70% once age, location of residence, poverty status, and employment are taken into account, and that differences between Latinos and White males are fully accounted for by these factors. Poverty status is the only factor that varies in the strength of its association with violence across groups. We also find little evidence to suggest that the association between race, ethnicity and victimization risk changed significantly from 1973 to 2010, once other factors are considered. Despite notable declines in violence over this time period, Black and White disparities in male victimization persist over the past four decades; however, the relationship between poverty status and violence has increased some for Black and White males.


ILR Review ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 001979392110638
Author(s):  
William A. Darity ◽  
Darrick Hamilton ◽  
Samuel L. Myers ◽  
Gregory N. Price ◽  
Man Xu

Racial differences in effort at work, if they exist, can potentially explain race-based wage/earnings disparities in the labor market. The authors estimate specifications of time spent on non-work activities at work by Black and White males and females with data from the American Time Use Survey. Estimates reveal that trivially small differences occur between non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White males in time spent not working while on the job that disappear entirely when correcting for non-response errors. The findings imply that Black–White male differences in the fraction of the workday spent not working are either not large enough to partially explain the Black–White wage gap, or simply do not exist at all.


Author(s):  
Susan T. Falck

This chapter recounts the turmoil endured by black and white Natchez women and men during the Civil War and Union occupation, and how these experiences shaped historical memories of the war. Mississippi’s economy lay in ruins with nearly a quarter of the white males who served in the Confederate Army killed in action or perishing from wounds or disease at war’s end, while white civilians faced poverty, military loss, and a racial hierarchy turned upside down. Natchez’s large African-American population majority faced their own challenges but found sustenance in black churches and schools organized by the American Missionary Association during Reconstruction. Natchez had all the makings for a complex set of historical memories: great wealth, followed by profound loss, a paternalistic planter class, a sizable free black community that did not always sympathize with former slaves, and a massive formerly enslaved labor force discovering freedom for the first time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. S5-S13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven J. Skube ◽  
Bruce Lindgren ◽  
Yunhua Fan ◽  
Stephanie Jarosek ◽  
Genevieve B. Melton ◽  
...  

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (Supplement) ◽  
pp. S52 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Hunter ◽  
R. L. Bartels ◽  
R. R. Lanese

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