Racial Differences in Time at Work Not Working

ILR Review ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 001979392110638
Author(s):  
William A. Darity ◽  
Darrick Hamilton ◽  
Samuel L. Myers ◽  
Gregory N. Price ◽  
Man Xu
Keyword(s):  
Racial Differences ◽  
Wage Gap ◽  
White Male ◽  
American Time Use Survey ◽  
Black And White ◽  
White Males ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Survey Estimates ◽  
Wage Earnings ◽  
Response Errors

Racial differences in effort at work, if they exist, can potentially explain race-based wage/earnings disparities in the labor market. The authors estimate specifications of time spent on non-work activities at work by Black and White males and females with data from the American Time Use Survey. Estimates reveal that trivially small differences occur between non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White males in time spent not working while on the job that disappear entirely when correcting for non-response errors. The findings imply that Black–White male differences in the fraction of the workday spent not working are either not large enough to partially explain the Black–White wage gap, or simply do not exist at all.

Job Characteristics and the Labor Force Participation Behavior of Black and White Male Youth

1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald R. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Labor Force ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Labor Force Participation ◽  
White Male ◽  
Participation Rate ◽  
Job Characteristics ◽  
Male Youth ◽  
Black And White ◽  
White Males

Previous work regarding the labor force participation of black and white youth has ignored the fact that they may face jobs with different characteristics, such as socioeconomic status or degree of danger. This article examines the effects that such characteristics have on the probability of participation for a sample of black and white males from the National Longitudinal Survey Youth Cohort. The results suggest that some job characteristics have a significant impact on participation, particularly socioeconomic status. The estimates presented here suggest, however, that racial differences in socioeconomic status probably explain only a small portion of the black-white male youth participation rate differential.

THE ENDURING SIGNIFICANCE OF RACIAL AND ETHNIC DISPARITIES IN MALE VIOLENT VICTIMIZATION, 1973–2010

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet L. Lauritsen ◽  
Karen Heimer ◽  
Joseph B. Lang
Keyword(s):  
Race And Ethnicity ◽  
White Male ◽  
Ethnic Disparities ◽  
Violent Victimization ◽  
Crime Victimization ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Black And White ◽  
White Males ◽  
Poverty Status ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractLatino and Black males are more likely to suffer serious violent victimization compared to White males, and it is likely that economic disadvantage and other individual level differences play a key role in these disparities. This study of self-reported data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (1973–2010) is the first effort to assess three important issues: 1) the extent to which the relationship between serious violent victimization and race and ethnicity can be accounted for by age, location of residence, poverty status, and employment; 2) whether these factors have similar influences among Black, White, and Latino males; and 3) whether the net risk for violence associated with race and ethnicity has diminished over time. Our results show that disparities between Black and White male violent victimization decrease approximately 70% once age, location of residence, poverty status, and employment are taken into account, and that differences between Latinos and White males are fully accounted for by these factors. Poverty status is the only factor that varies in the strength of its association with violence across groups. We also find little evidence to suggest that the association between race, ethnicity and victimization risk changed significantly from 1973 to 2010, once other factors are considered. Despite notable declines in violence over this time period, Black and White disparities in male victimization persist over the past four decades; however, the relationship between poverty status and violence has increased some for Black and White males.

The Vintage Schooling Hypothesis and Racial Differences in Earnings and On-The-Job Training: A Longitudinal Analysis

1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin C. Duncan
Keyword(s):  
Life Cycle ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Black Males ◽  
Job Training ◽  
Black And White ◽  
White Males ◽  
Market Experience ◽  
Employer Discrimination ◽  
On The Job Training ◽  
Positive Effect

Why do younger black males earn more relative to whites than do older black males? The literature offers two competing explanations. Smith and Welch suggest this pattern is evidence that employers are rewarding the improved skills of more recently, better-educated blacks. Lazear, and Duncan and Hoffman suggest that the pattern is the result of employer discrimination that prevents blacks from entering occupations that offer on-the-job training (OJT) and wage growth with experience. The competing views are tested by using the National Longitudinal Survey of Labor Market Experience of Young Men to compare black and white earnings and regression estimates in two periods. Regression results for 1968 and 1978 indicate that, as the NLS cohort aged, only white males had an age-earnings profile exhibiting the positive effect of OJT. Over the period, education coefficients decreased for both groups with the reduction greatest in black coefficients. This suggests that the earnings effect of education is not as stable for blacks as it is for whites over the life cycle. Black-white earnings ratios were approximately the same in both periods. The results reported here support the explanations offered by Lazear and by Duncan and Hoffman, implying that policies focusing on eliminating racial differences in educational quality may be insufficient in improving the relative position of blacks over the life cycle.

Overcoming Spatial Mismatch: The Opportunities and Limits of Transit Mode in Addressing the Black–White Unemployment Gap

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 211-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenya L. Covington
Keyword(s):  
Racial Differences ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
Public Transit ◽  
White Male ◽  
Spatial Inequality ◽  
Spatial Mismatch ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Racial Gaps ◽  
Economic Census ◽  
Core Solution

Spatial inequality is a central characteristic of U.S. metropolitan areas. Overcoming related employment disadvantages requires a broad set of responses: relocation, economic development, or an increase in mobility. Given the difficulty of widespread relocation or urban rebuilding programs, increasing mobility through transportation options may be a core solution in the short term. This article explains the racial gap in unemployment under spatial mismatch in the largest metropolitan areas by examining racial gaps in automobile access and public transit use. Research questions focus on which transit options are important to negotiate spatial mismatch and whether there are racial differences in the transit effect. Presented are descriptive and multivariate analyses using 2000 data from the U.S. Census, the Economic Census, and the Zip Code Business Pattern files. Findings show that comparatively, automobile access dominates the public transit effect on Black and White male unemployment in the 100 largest MSAs. First–difference analyses show that Black/White gaps in automobile access correlate with greater racial unemployment disparities, while racial gaps in public transit access seem to be associated with lower racial disparities in unemployment.

Work-Care Balance over the Day and the Gender Wage Gap

2021 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 149-153
Author(s):  
German Cubas ◽  
Chinhui Juhn ◽  
Pedro Silos
Keyword(s):  
Home Care ◽  
Time Use ◽  
Gender Wage Gap ◽  
Wage Gap ◽  
Prime Time ◽  
American Time Use Survey ◽  
Suggestive Evidence ◽  
Work Interruptions ◽  
Time Use Survey ◽  
Lower Wage

We focus on the timing of labor supplied during the day and its interaction with home care responsibilities. Using the American Time Use Survey, we measure the incidence of household care activities between 8 AM and 5 PM (the prime time of the day). Women experience more work interruptions during that time. These work interruptions imply wages that are about 9 percent lower. This result is consistent with occupations offering more flexibility but also a lower wage. We offer suggestive evidence that missing work due to household demands has a larger penalty in occupations with more coordinated work schedules.

The Role of Human Capital in Earnings Differences Between Black and White Men

1990 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
June O'Neill
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Wage Gap ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Educational Differences ◽  
Successive Generations

This article examines the factors underlying the differential in earnings between black men and white men, with a focus on the role of human capital. Since 1940, successive generations of black men entering the labor force have been increasingly more educated relative to white men, both in terms of years of school completed and in the quality of schooling obtained. This convergence in educational differences combined with the migration of blacks out of the South contributed to the narrowing in the racial gap in earnings over the 1940–80 period, particularly in the first half of the period. The discussion focuses on men, rather than on all blacks. The blackwhite wage gap has remained considerably larger among men than among women, making racial differences among men an issue of particular concern.

Wage Compression and Wage Inequality Between Black and White Males in the United States, 1940–1960

1994 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 358-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas N. Maloney
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Wage Inequality ◽  
Wage Gap ◽  
Wage Structure ◽  
The United States ◽  
Black And White ◽  
White Males ◽  
Worker Characteristics ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Wage Compression

The gap between the mean wages of black men and white men in the United States narrowed substantially between 1940 and 1950. There was, however, almost no change in this wage gap between 1950 and 1960. Some of this discontinuity in the path of black progress can be explained by general changes in the wage structure—wage compression in the 1940s and slight expansion in the 1950s. However, most of the gains of the 1940s were driven by race-specific factors, including increasing relative wages controlling for worker characteristics. These race-specific gains ceased in the 1950s.

Racial Differences in Access to High-Paying Jobs and the Wage Gap between Black and White Women

ILR Review ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Anderson ◽  
David Shapiro
Keyword(s):  
Human Capital ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
White Women ◽  
Wage Gap ◽  
Occupational Segregation ◽  
Wage Structure ◽  
Longitudinal Surveys ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Direct Discrimination ◽  
Racial Wage Gap

The authors examine the role that racial differences in access to high-paying occupations played in determining the racial wage gap in the 1980s. Analyzing data on black and white women aged 34–44 from the National Longitudinal Surveys for 1968–88, they estimate the effects of human capital characteristics and discrimination on segregation into high- and low-wage jobs by race. They find that differences in workers' measured characteristics explain little of either the observed occupational segregation by race or the racial wage gap in 1988. Further analysis suggests that several changes in the wage structure for women during the 1980s, notably a widening of occupational wage differentials and an increase in the returns to education, abetted direct discrimination in enlarging the racial wage gap among women.

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