“Is Not This a Paradox?” Public Morality and the Unitarian Defense of State-Supported Religion in Massachusetts, 1806–1833

2013 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-265
Author(s):  
Nathan S. Rives

The outcome of the legal and constitutional controversy leading to the fall of the state-supported religious establishment in Massachusetts followed a schism in the Congregationalist churches. In that controversy, Unitarians defended religious taxation as an expedient means to advance their desired ends of a public morality rooted in theological liberalism.

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-249
Author(s):  
Haider Ala Hamoudi

AbstractTwo primary impulses have historically motivated the Iraqi Shi'i juristic establishment in its relations with the Iraqi state. The first, deeply embedded in centuries of Islamic jurisprudence, is to achieve maximum autonomy for the Shi'i community from the state. The second has developed more recently in response to the modern state's efforts to extend its hegemonic control over areas that premodern empires were content either to leave to the jurists to administer or at least to share the administration of with jurists. This is to have the state recognize and implement Shi'i rules within parts of the state infrastructure that are of core interest to the juristic establishment. There is an obvious tension between these two desires, nowhere more evident than in the subject of this article—namely, the law pertaining to the creation, management, and liquidation of the Islamic charitable land trust known as the waqf. On the one hand, Article 43 of Iraq's constitution declares the followers of religions and sects to be “free” in administering the waqfs and their affairs, suggesting a strong desire for autonomy and separation from state control. Yet the implementing legislation for this provision extends the existence of a thick state bureaucracy and hands its administration over to juristic authorities. The ultimate irony of this arrangement is that it subjects juristic forces to far more potential interference as a legal matter than they have ever been subjected to, even during the totalitarian rule of the Ba'ath. In the end, a religious establishment historically deeply suspicious of political rulers and political engagement—indeed, one that defines itself by virtue of its separation from the state—now finds itself deeply and dangerously entangled in state political and administrative affairs. This article explores how this came to be and some of the significant consequences that arise from it.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 518-547
Author(s):  
Henry E. Baker

Societies consisting of persons who have associated for a common interest and for objects other than that of deriving profits, which are generally known in this country as “Ottoman societies” are regulated by the Ottoman Law of Societies of August 3, 1909, which is based on a French law of July 1, 1901. Such a society is formed by agreement of the founders and does not owe its existence to any registration, but its founders must notify the competent official of the formation of the society immediately after its formation and supply him with the prescribed particulars. No such society may be established contrary to the provisions of the law, public morality or with the intention of disturbing the peace of the country or aiming at disintegration of the State, or changing the form of the ruling Government, or causing dissension among different communities, and it is prohibited to establish political societies under the title of races and nationalities.Among Ottoman societies are theHistadrut, WIZO, Hebrew University and professional associations such as the Bar Association.


Author(s):  
Brannon D. Ingram

The first chapter situates the emergence of the Deoband movement within the aftermath of Indians’ failed uprising against the British in 1857. The chapter shows how the decline of first Mughal and then British patronage for Islamic learning, as well as the post-1857 British policy of noninterference in religious matters, opened up a space for Deobandi scholars to reconceive the seminary (madrasa) as a purely religious institution rather than one engaged in the production of civil servants, to reimagine the `ulama as stewards of public morality rather than professionals in the service of the state, and to reframe the knowledge they purveyed as religious knowledge distinct from the secular knowledge promoted by the British. It also shows how Islamic law functioned, in the absence of courts or judges, as a discourse for which mass-printed texts on Islamic belief and practice and the publishing of Islamic legal opinions (traditionally issued to judges but now issued directly to lay Muslims) were key.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 282
Author(s):  
Simon Thompson

Is it ever permissible for the state to formally recognize one religion? This article focuses on just one aspect of this complex question. To be specific, a critical examination is conducted of what will be called the alienation argument against establishment, according to which this sort of connection between religion and the state is wrong to the extent that it makes some people feel alienated. Whilst this argument is often dismissed in contemporary academic analyses, considerations of this kind are frequently heard in political commentary and public debate. In this article, the three most important criticisms made of the alienation argument, which are referred to as psychologism, indeterminacy and falsity, are discussed. By arguing that it may be possible to rebut these three objections, at least to some extent, the aim of the article is to mount a partial defence of the alienation argument against religious establishment. Its conclusion is that feelings of alienation should play a significant role in making all-things-considered judgements about the justifiability of particular instances of establishment.


ICR Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 92-104
Author(s):  
Syed Farid Alatas

This paper discusses three factors accounting for the transition to democracy, namely the absence of mass or armed resistance to democracy, the internal strength of the state, and the cohesion of the political elite. In the case of Malaysia, the structural conditions that emerged in the late colonial period, that is the absence of mass resistance movements, allowed for the rise of a relatively democratic postcolonial state. Conditions had been relatively conducive to the development of democratic political culture. However, recent years have seen the development and exertion of a more authoritarian trend among the political and religious elite that has accompanied a process of Islamisation of governance. These developments resonate with a more feudal, hierarchical and authoritarian culture that can be traced to the pre-colonial past and which has an affinity with a more authoritarian interpretation of Islam so typical of the contemporary state religious establishment. The future of democracy in Malaysia depends on the ability of democratic tendencies within the state as well as civil society to work against these authoritarian forces. This future would require drawing upon the more egalitarian and humanist tradition of precolonial Islam and the modernist movement of the colonial Malay world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ansor

Tulisan ini mempresentasikan etnografi razia penegakan syariat Islam di Langsa, Aceh. Studi berargumen bahwa razia syariat Islam merupakan salah satu bentuk perayaan kuasa agama oleh negara yang berkontribusi terhadap reproduksi intoleransi dan kekerasan dalam beragama. Data yang digunakan bersumber dari studi etnografis di Langsa pada semester kedua tahun 2012. Pertama-tama saya akan menyajikan tinjauan umum tentang Dinas Syariat Islam (DSI) dan Wilayatul Hisbah (WH) serta posisinya sebagai institusi yang memiliki otoritas tidak hanya untuk mendefinisikan moralitas publik, tetapi terkadang juga bertindak represif melalui razia syariat Islam di Aceh. Pemaparan menunjukkan represi tersebut melalui catatan etnografis tentang razia khalwat dan pakaian ketat di Langsa. Tulisan pada akhirnya memperlihatkan gosip sebagai salah satu bentuk resistensi kreatif terhadap represi yang dilakukan negara dan elite agama di Langsa dengan mengatas-namakan penegakan syariat Islam. This paper presents the ethnography of Sharia’ enforcement raids in Langsa, Aceh. It presents the argument that Sharia’ enforcement raids is one of religious power celebrations by the state that contribute towards intolerance reproduction and violence in religion. Ethnographic data were obtained from field reseach in Langsa in the second half of 2012. First of all, I presented an overview on the State Shari’a Agency (Dinas Syariat Islam) and the “Shari’a Police” (Wilayatul Hisbah) as well as their positions as institutions which had not only the authority in defining public morality, but also repressing Sharia’ enforcement raids in Aceh. Exposure of this study showed there was repression through ethnographic records about the roadside WH inspection on khalwat and dress code as the enforcement of Shari’a norms of public morality in Langsa. Finally, this paper highlighted that gossip was a form of creative resistance against repression by the State and the religious elites concerning Sharia’ enforcement in Langsa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Martin Vives

AbstractThe Argentine Constitution contains two provisions regarding church-state relations. The first one recognizes the right of all people to the free exercise of religion. The second one provides that the state must financially support the Catholic Church. Based on this latter clause, over the years a complex regulatory scheme has been developed that differentiates that church from all the other churches and religions. Those differences are addressed in this article. The author argues that the religious establishment does not depend only on how the state defines itself (e.g., through a declaration in the constitution), but also on the way in which it treats people based on their religion. If that treatment is unequal—for example, when there are legal privileges only to a single church—then there is a kind of establishment of religion. It has been claimed that the religious establishment is not itself incompatible with religious freedom. In arguing that religious minorities can hold a different opinion, the author offers a brief account of the problems faced by non-Catholic faith communities in Argentina because of the state's unequal treatment. Finally, the author analyzes whether the reasons given to justify the legal differences between religions are acceptable. Otherwise, it could be said that there is discrimination—at least, in a broad sense—against religious minorities. While this article focuses on the Argentine case, the issues addressed are relevant to any country dealing with the unequal treatment of people based on their religion.


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