Local and International Trade and Traders in The Straits of Melaka Region: 600-1500

2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Hall

AbstractThis article notes that the recent mainstream scholarship on the pre-1500 Indian Ocean trade by non-Southeast Asia specialists has limited itself to Middle Eastern, South Asian, and Chinese evidence—and that these scholars' exclusion of Southeast Asian documentation has led to erroneous statements and conclusions. Based on selected examples of the omitted Southeast Asia evidence, this study highlights the changes taking place in the maritime trade network from the eleventh through the fifteenth centuries, and the increasing complexity of the Asian trade system. It demonstrates that scholars need to reconsider their characterizations of Asian trade "centers" ("emporia"), and that by the fifteenth century an Asia trade "center" is a convenient and commonly agreed upon marketplace that is networked with and shared by merchant sojourners who are based in other significant regional "centers." It also contends that assertions that there was a late fourteenth- through fifteenth-century Asian trade decline are incorrect, and that Asian commerce was robust when the Portuguese appeared on the scene at the beginning of the sixteenth century—and seized Melaka in their failed attempt to dominate the Asia maritime trade network. Cet article relève que le courant principal récent de la recherche sur le commerce dans l'Océan indien avant le XVe siècle par des non-spécialistes du Sud-Est asiatique a concentré ses études sur l'Asie moyenne orientale, méridionale et la Chine; en ignorant la documentation provenant de l'Asie du Sud-Est, ces chercheurs ont été conduits à avancer des conclusions erronées. Fondée sur des exemples choisis dans cette dernière région, cette étude met en évidence les changements intervenus dans le réseau du commerce maritime entre le XIe et XVe siècles et la complexité accrue du système commercial asiatique. Elle souligne également que les chercheurs doivent reconsidérer les caractéristiques qu'ils accordent aux "centres" ("emporia") de commerce asiatique et qu'au XVe siècle un "centre" est une place commerciale pratique intégrée dans un réseau partagé par des négociants installés dans d'autres "centres" notoires de la région. Elle s'élève en fin contre les affirmations avançant que le commerce était en déclin à la fin du XIVe et au XVe siècle; au contraire, il était encore fl orissant quand les Portugais apparaissent dans la région au début du XVIe siècle et s'emparent de Malacca dans leur tentative avortée de dominer le commerce maritime asiatique.

The papers collected in this volume investigate the relationship between Southeast Asia and the Ottoman Empire. Southeast Asia has long been connected by trade, religion and political links to the wider world across the Indian Ocean, and especially to the Middle East through the faith of Islam. However, little attention has been paid to the ties between Muslim Southeast Asia—encompassing the modern nations of Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore and the southern parts of Thailand and the Philippines—and the greatest Middle Eastern power, the Ottoman Empire. The first direct political contact took place in the sixteenth century, when Ottoman records confirm that gunners and gunsmiths were sent to Aceh in Sumatra to help fight against the Portuguese domination of the pepper trade. In the intervening centuries, the main conduit for contact was the annual hajj pilgrimage, and many Malay pilgrims from Southeast Asia spent long periods of study in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, which were under Ottoman control from 1517 until the early twentieth century. During the period of European colonial expansion in the nineteenth century, once again Malay states turned to Istanbul for help. The chapters in this volume represent the first attempt to bring together research on all aspects of the relationship between the Ottoman world and Southeast Asia—political, economic, religious and intellectual—much of it based on documents newly discovered in archives in Istanbul. Individual chapters also trace the influence of Republican Turkey on Southeast Asian politics and culture.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-135
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh

This chapter traces the history of China’s legacies in Southeast Asia. Historically, China has loomed large—geographically, culturally, militarily, and economically—over Southeast Asia. This was particularly the case before the sixteenth-century arrival of European colonial powers, which encroached upon not only Southeast Asia but China itself, and began to limit earlier Sino-Southeast Asian interactions. Prior to that time, they were a mixture of cross-border migration and economic exchanges; a flourishing maritime trade; outright occupation and subjugation in one case (Vietnam); and ritualistic expressions of the “tribute system” for many others. These four legacies are all extraordinarily complex, for which there are not particularly good historical records. Thus, how one interprets these pre-modern interactions between China and Southeast Asia really does have to do with the available sources, and it seems that the lack of preserved Southeast Asian sources has had the impact of tilting interpretations in favor of the Chinese tributary paradigm. The chapter then describes this long sweep of Sino-Southeast Asian pre-modern and modern interactions in a relatively condensed fashion before turning to the post-1949 period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth R. Hall

AbstractRecent revisionist approaches to early pre-1500 eastern Indian Ocean history draw from and cross-reference epigraphic, archaeological, art historical, literary, cultural, textual, shipwreck, and a variety of other primary and secondary sources as these document the evolution of Southeast Asia from roughly 300 to 1500, before significant European regional presence became a factor. This study's focus is the transitional importance of c. 1000–1500 Indian Ocean international maritime trade and transit from the South Asian shorelines of the Bay of Bengal to the South China and Java Seas, which is conceived to have temporarily produced an inclusive eastern Indian Ocean zone of contact. In this then ‘borderless’ region there were a variety of meaningful contacts and material, cultural, and knowledge transfers that resulted in synthesis of Indian, Chinese, Middle Eastern, and Southeast Asian cultures and populations made possible by enhanced international maritime trade connections before European presence became a factor, a period often dated from the fall of Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-456
Author(s):  
Sushmita Banerjee

This article studies a sixteenth-century sufi taz̠kirāt (biographical dictionary), Ak̲h̲bār al-Ak̲h̲yār written by ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddis Dehlawi (1551–1642), an ‘ālim (scholar), who was also a sufi. The text is frequently cited as the earliest, most comprehensive and reliable biographical compilation of South Asian sufis and ‘ulamā’ (learned men in religious sciences) from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. Indeed ‘Abd al-Haqq is best remembered for his scholasticism as a mūḥaddis̤ (a person well-versed in Prophetic traditions) which is also supposed to have made him into a rather staid scholar of Sufism. But what of him in his own society of elite Muslim intellectuals in the early seventeenth century? ‘Abd al-Haqq was networked into the elite circles of the Mughal court, but he stayed away from Mughal patronage, communicating his ambivalence regarding its political experiments by espousing alternative paradigms. My article studies the structure of the Ak̲h̲bār al-Ak̲h̲yār to comprehend how a Muslim intellectual constructed a history of his peer group at a critical juncture in the making of Mughal authority. My article follows a prosopographical methodology to explore the innovative structure of the Ak̲h̲bār al-Ak̲h̲yār and its complex projection of the past of the piety-minded in Hindustan. As I argue, the Ak̲h̲bār al-Ak̲h̲yār is a carefully structured, remarkable history of sufis and their networks, providing them with contexts and significance that questioned both, inherited paradigms of moral authority present in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sufi texts as well as those emerging in the statist renditions of the past from the courts of the Mughal emperors Akbar and Jahangir.


Author(s):  
Antonio Urquízar-Herrera

Chapter 3 approaches the notion of trophy through historical accounts of the Christianization of the Córdoba and Seville Islamic temples in the thirteenth-century and the late-fifteenth-century conquest of Granada. The first two examples on Córdoba and Seville are relevant to explore the way in which medieval chronicles (mainly Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada and his entourage) turned the narrative of the Christianization of mosques into one of the central topics of the restoration myth. The sixteenth-century narratives about the taking of the Alhambra in Granada explain the continuity of this triumphal reading within the humanist model of chorography and urban eulogy (Lucius Marineus Siculus, Luis de Mármol Carvajal, and Francisco Bermúdez de Pedraza).


Author(s):  
Scott C. Levi

While it may seem counterintuitive, the increase in Mughal India’s maritime trade contributed to a tightening of overland commercial connections with its Asian neighbors. The primary agents in this process were “Multanis,” members of any number of heavily capitalized, caste-based family firms centered in the northwest Indian region of Multan. The Multani firms had earlier developed an integrated commercial system that extended across the Punjab, Sind, and much of northern India. In the middle of the sixteenth century, Multanis first appear in historical sources as having established their own communities in Central Asia and Iran. By the middle of the seventeenth century, at any given point in time, a rotating population of some 35,000 Indian merchants orchestrated a network of communities that extended across dozens, if not hundreds, of cities and villages in Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Iran, stretching up the Caucasus and into Russia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Luca Pandolfi ◽  
Ran Calvo ◽  
Ari Grossman ◽  
Rivka Rabinovich

Abstract A revision of the rhinocerotid material from the Negev (Israel), dating back to the early Miocene (MN3 in the European Mammal Biochronology), highlights the presence of Brachypotherium and a taxon close to Gaindatherium in the Levantine corridor. A juvenile mandible, investigated using CT scanning, displays morphologically distinct characters consistent with Brachypotherium cf. B. snowi rather than with other Eurasian representatives of this genus. Some postcranial remains from the Negev, such as a humerus, display features that distinguish it among Miocene taxa. We attribute these postcrania to cf. Gaindatherium sp., a taxon never recorded outside the Siwaliks until now. This taxon dispersed into the Levantine region during the late early Miocene, following a pattern similar to other South Asian taxa. Brachypotherium cf. B. snowi probably occurred in the Levantine region and then in North Africa during the early Miocene because its remains are known from slightly younger localities such as Moghara (Egypt) and Jebel Zelten (Libya). The occurrence cf. Gaindatherium sp. represents a previously unrecorded range expansion out of Southeast Asia. These new records demonstrate the paleogeographic importance of the Levantine region showcasing the complex role of the Levantine corridor in intercontinental dispersals between Asia and Europe as well as Eurasia and Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-133
Author(s):  
Niyousha Tanbakouie ◽  
Karim Habib ◽  
Heather Edgell

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pankaj Kumar Jha

The making of the imperial subjects is as much a matter of historical process as the emergence of the empire. In the case of the Mughal state, this process started much before its actual establishment in the sixteenth century. The fifteenth century in North India was a period of unusual cultural ferment. The emergence of the Mughal imperial formation in the next century was intimately related to the fast congealing tendency of the north Indian society towards greater disciplining of itself. This tendency is evident in the multilingual literary cultures and diverse knowledge formations of the long fifteenth century.


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