Philological Contributions to Hattian-Hittite Religion (I)

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Oğuz Soysal

AbstractIn the first part of the present study the frequent Hittite cult phrase d(GN) aku- / eku- "to drink a deity" is discussed as to whether it should be understood in the accusative or dative sense. The drinking act devoted to divine honor is accompanied chiefly by the accusative case of the deity name. There are also some exceptional cases in which the divine proper name is used in the dative case. In the light of a list of Hattian deities in KBo 21.85+ I 12'-25' it is proposed here that the divine name in the expressiond d(GN) aku- / eku- with ending -n may have been originally constructed in the dative case under influence of Hattian. Since the Hattian dative marker -n is formally the same as the Hittite ending -n for the singular accusative, it is possible that the Hittites had adopted this cult expression in their language in a manner where the divine proper name would function as accusative. This use may have been transformed later into the real "Hittite" accusative in -n.The second part deals with the cult object GIŠhalm/puti- (with other cognate designations) and with its possible connection to GIŠkalmuš-. Materially, these tools appear not to have the same functions, but on the philological level, both words may stem from the same Hattian root halwuutti-.

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Schneider

AbstractThe article presents and discusses the proper name of the owner of a recently unfolded and mounted Book of the Dead papyrus from the late 18th or 19th dynasty (Princeton University Library, Pharaonic Roll 5). It is proposed that the name in question is a Northwest Semitic theophoric sentence name in Egyptian transcription, 'adōnī-rō'ē-yāh “My lord is the shepherd of Yah”. Whereas the name Yahweh has been known from Egyptian toponym lists of the New Kingdom, the present name would be the first documented occurence of the god Yahweh in his function as a shepherd of Yah, the short form of the tetragrammaton. The article also points to a new etymology of the divine name and the cultural significance of the evidence.


1903 ◽  
Vol 35 (9) ◽  
pp. 264-265
Author(s):  
J. M. Aldrich

In the August number of this journal, Mr. Coquillett has given his reasons for not accepting Culex inornatus as the proper name for the species which he has called C. consobrinus. He bases his claim for the name consobrinus on a supposed error of Desvoidy's in the indentification of pipiens, relying on the length mentioned, 3 lines, as proof that Desviody's species could not have been the real pipiens. My own article on the subject, in the July number, had intimated that Desvoidy had erred in the measurment given. Since then I find that Theobald (Mon. Culicidæ. II.; 135) gives 6 mm. as the maximum length of pipiens; this, of course, is equivalent to Desvoidy's 3 lines.


Nordlyd ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld ◽  
Nicholas Twiner

In both English benefactive constructions (John baked Mary a cake) and German kriegen/bekommen-passives (Er kriegte einen Stift geschenkt ‘He got a pen gifted’), the theme argument is accusative-marked but has no way of getting structural accusative case. In English benefactive constructions, this is because the beneficiary argument intervenes between the voice head and the theme, and in German kriegen/bekommen-passives, it is because there is no active voice head. This paper proposes that, in both languages, the applicative head introducing the beneficiary/recipient (more generally, the affectee argument), comes with an extra case feature that can license case on the theme argument. In English, this non-canonical accusative case feature comes with the regular applicative head introducing the beneficiary argument. In contrast, in German, it comes with a defective applicative head which introduces the recipient but is unable to assign to it the inherent dative case that normally comes with the Affectee theta-role. The paper offers a unified analysis of English and German double object constructions and also of German werden (‘be’) and kriegen/bekommen (‘get’)-passives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 906
Author(s):  
Neema Jangstony Kibona

Ichindali is one of the Ethnic Community Languages spoken by an increasing population of the Ndali people in Mbeya region. The Ndali people live in southern Tanzania, Mbeya Region. Ileje District has 124,451 speakers in 2012. Ileje is bordered to the North by Mbeya rural and Rungwe district, to the East by Kyela district. Ndali people live in an area which crosses the Tanzania Malawi border. This paper investigates the way noun phrases are formed in Ichindali and the order of their formation (constituents) in this particular language. Therefore the main objectives of this paper were: i. To find out the Criteria for categorizing noun phrase elements in Ichindali. ii. To examine the various kinds of dependents in Ichindali noun phrase. In arriving at these objectives, the writer posed the following questions as a guide: i. What are the criteria relevant in categorizing the dependents of the noun in Ichindali? ii. What kinds of dependents form a noun phrase in Ichindali? A conclusion has been drawn from this work is that, the structure of a noun phrase in Ichindali is N-Det-Mod. An NP can function as a subject, direct or primary objects which is normally expressed in the accusative case, indirect or secondary object in dative case as well as an object of preposition.


2001 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 197-217
Author(s):  
Peter Svenonius

I argue in this paper for a novel analysis of case in Icelandic, with implications for case theory in general. I argue that structural case is the manifestation on the noun phrase of features which are semantically interpretable only on verbal projections; thus, Icelandic case does not encode features of noun phrase interpretation, but it is not uninterpretable either; case is properly seen as reflecting (interpretable) tense and aspect features. Accusative case in Icelandic is available when the two subevents introduced in a transitive verb phrase are identified with each other, and dative case is available when the two parts are distinct (thus Icelandic case manifests aktionsart or inner aspect, in partial contrast to Finnish). This analysis bears directly on the theory of feature checking in the Minimalist Program; specifically, it paves the way for a restrictive theory of feature checking in which no features are strictly uninterpretable: all formal features come in interpretable-uninterpretable pairs, and feature checking is the matching of such pairs, driven by legibility conditions at Spell-Out.  


2021 ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
М.А. Кронгауз

В статье показан возможный путь формирования формулы прощания давай, состоящий из двух параллельных процессов: трансформации пожелания в формулу прощания и компрессии этой формулы. Трансформация заключается в тяготении пожелания к конечной точке в диалоге, а позднее и фиксации в этой позиции. Компрессия заключается в отпадении частей формулы вплоть до свертывания ее в одно слово. Современная форма повелительного наклонения давай однозначно воспринимается как побуждение говорящим собеседника и встраивается в ряд с просторечными формулами прощания будь и бывай. Однако мы видим, что в прототипической формуле (давай + местоимение в Д.п. + Бог + существительное в В.п.) глагол обращен не к собеседнику, а к Богу или мирозданию. Невозможно утверждать, что фраза типа Давай тебе Бог счастья! стала единственным источником современной формулы прощания давай. Тем не менее важно наличие устойчивой формулы-предшественницы, выполняющей тождественную функцию (т. е. не только пожелания, но и прощания). The article shows a possible way to form a formula for saying goodbye, which comprises two parallel processes: the transformation of a wish into a formula for saying goodbye and the compression of this formula. The transformation consists of a wish gravitating towards the end point in the dialog, and later fixation in this position. Compression consists of dropping off parts of a formula up to collapsing into a single word. The modern form of the imperative mood davay is clearly perceived as an incentive made by the speaker to the interlocutor and it fits in the same row with colloquial formulas of farewell bud’ and byvay. However, we see that in the prototypical formula (davay + the pronoun in the dative case + God + noun in the accusative case) the verb is not addressed to the interlocutor, but to God or the universe. It is impossible to assert that the phrases like Davay tebe Bog schact’a! have become the only source of the modern formula davay for saying goodbye. Nevertheless, it is important to have a stable predecessor formula that performs the same function (that is, not only one of a wish, but also of a farewell).


Author(s):  
Simon Meier ◽  
Martin Thiering

AbstractBased on large annotated corpora of German live commentary reports on football games and cycling races, this paper analyses the varying linguistic means of encoding motion from the perspective of cognitive semantics. We start from the observation that in football adpositional constructions in the accusative case with directional meaning prevail, e.g. in den Strafraum (‘into the box’). As opposed to football, in cycling text commentaries motion tends to be encoded by adpositional constructions in the dative case with locative meaning, e.g. an der Spitze des Hauptfeldes (‘at the top of the peloton’). We argue that in cycle racing motion is usually profiled as position. These findings can be explained with regard to the different perspectives taken by the camera that allow the spectators to take vectorial, hodological or birds-eye-perspectives on the actual event. Hence, the conveyed images induce different viewing arrangements as is known from cognitive semantics’ stage analogy. These arrangements are reflected linguistically in specific construals presenting the ways of conceiving the various frames of moving actors in football games and cycling races.


Author(s):  
Peter Hallman

AbstractThis article presents an explanation for a cross-linguistic gap observed by Anna Siewierska: morphologically unmarked indirect objects may alternate with prepositional marking in what is sometimes called a ‘dative’ or ‘prepositional-dative’ ditransitive frame, but never with actual dative case marking. ‘Dative’, to the extent it alternates with accusative, is always expressed as a preposition. I show firstly that German, which has a robust dative case paradigm, also displays a double object alternation in which the erstwhile dative DP occurs in a prepositional phrase, meaning both accusative (in English) and dative (in German) indirect objects alternate with prepositional encoding. I construct an analysis in which the the indirect object may be generated as either a DP (which receives dative in German and accusative in English) or a PP in the same theta position. This characterization of the double object alternation does not admit an alternation between dative and accusative case on the indirect object, capturing Siewierska’s generalization. The analysis also extends to ‘symmetric’ passive languages, in which either object in the double object construction can be raised to subject in the passive. Some current perspectives on this phenomenon make such languages exceptions to Siewierska’s generalization, but not the analysis proposed here.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-335
Author(s):  
Christian Zimmer

AbstractThis paper focusses on case marking in informal Namibian German (so called Namdeutsch). Whilst the use of nominative and accusative case is stable and similar to Standard German, there is a considerable amount of variation with regard to the dative case. This phenomenon is analysed in detail using corpus and questionnaire data. Multifactorial analyses reveal that several sociolinguistic and grammatical factors have a significant impact on the language use in this particular domain. Subsequently, the results are compared with other extraterritorial varieties of German and various similarities are found. This supports the idea that there are variety/language overarching principles at work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Ashwini Ganeshan

Abstract In Spanish reverse-psychological verbs, the experiencer argument can have accusative or dative case marking. Transitivity-based approaches identify different factors that influence this accusative-dative alternation(Miglio, Viola G., Stefan T Gries, Michael J Harris, Eva M Wheeler & Santana-Paixão Raquel. A strong predictor for accusative case marking in Spanish r-psych verbs is the animacy of the stimulus. However, there are also instances where the stimulus is inanimate and the experiencer is case marked accusative. In this paper, I provide an analysis of such instances, drawing on corpus data and native speaker judgments. I argue that agentivity, measured on a scale, is a factor that better accounts for the accusative-dative alternation exhibited by Spanish reverse-psychological verbs. I first propose a definition of agentivity and diagnostics for it; then I present evidence that there is a correlation between higher degrees of agentivity and accusative case marking and lower degrees of agentivity and dative case marking. The agentivity scale presented is not unconditional as there are several factors that contribute to case marking. Nevertheless, the agentivity scale accounts for accusative case marking with inanimates and also serves to highlight some parallels between causative verbs and reverse-psychological verbs.


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