scholarly journals Literatur und Religion als Medien einer Sozialethik und -kritik. Ein religionswissenschaftlicher Vergleich der christlichen ,,Apokalypse" mit Henning Mankells Krimi ,,Brandmauer"

2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Koch

AbstractHow can literature and religion be understood together from a religious studies perspective? One possibility for a comparative basis is the social-ethical self-understanding that takes places within the literary medium. As an example of religious literature, the Book of Revelation is compared to Henning Mankell's contemporary crime fiction. The choice of ,,apocalyptic" models in their literary and pragmatic form is suitable for religious and socio-crime literature to analyze the state of their respective periods and to socialize certain behavior (be it religious, social democratic, etc.) through the reading experience. Moreover, the essay provides an excurse on literature in European religious history and uses methodological theses to show interpretation as criminological ,,investigation".

1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pettit

The paper attempts two tasks. The first is to provide a characterization of the social democratic approach which sets it in contrast to liberal democratic theories. This is pursued by contrasting the different interpretations of the ideal of equal respect which are associated with the two approaches. The second task is to establish that the social democratic approach is, if not clearly superior, at least worth considering further. This task is pursued by the attempt to vindicate three assumptions which the social democratic approach must make about the state.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klay Kieh

Since the dawn of the post-colonial era in the various regions of the “Global South,” including Africa, the appropriate role of the state in the development process has been a frontier issue. The resulting debate has revolved around two major trajectories: the minimalist state and the maximalist state. The former, shaped by the liberal cum neo-liberal Weltanschauung, posits that the state should have a limited role in socio-economic development—basically the creation of propitious conditions for the private accumulation of capital. Essentially, the suzerainty over the development process should rest with the “market” and its associated forces, particularly businesses. On the other hand, the maximalist state perspective asserts that the state should have a prominent role in the development process, including serving as the engine. Importantly, the debate has gone through various cycles, each dominated by the minimalist state paradigm.In spite of the hegemony of the minimalist state perspective, several states in the “Global South” have experimented with various models of state dirigisme — the “developmental state:” authoritarian (e.g. Singapore and South Korea) and democratic (e.g. Botswana and Mauritius). Against this backdrop, using the lessons learned from the experiences of some of the states in the “Global South” that have experimented with variants of the developmental state model, this article concluded that the social democratic developmental state is the best trajectory for promoting human-centered democracy and development in Africa.


Author(s):  
Anna Friberg

This article investigates the role that civic participation played for the formation of the concept of democracy, by surveying the language of The Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) in the 1920s. During the first half of the decade, the SAP outlined various forms of participation for the citizens. Having adopted the traditionally conservative concept of the People’s Home, the party increasingly used it as a metaphor for the fully democratized society. This, however, created a tension between the Social Democrats’ arguments about the importance of civil participation in a democratic society, and the idea of the state building the People’s Home for the citizens. Using theoretical insights from conceptual history as the point of departure, this article addresses this tension by showing that according to the SAP, the fully democratic society could be realized at two levels: both by the state and by the citizens themselves.


Author(s):  
Mark Bevir

This concluding chapter explores the later roles of Marxism, Fabianism, and ethical socialism in the Independent Labor Party, the Labor Party, and the social democratic state. The dominant strand of socialism fused Fabianism with ethical socialism. It promoted a labor alliance to win state power within a liberal, representative democracy, and then to use the state to promote social justice. Later in the twentieth century, the rise of modernist social science altered the type of knowledge on which the Labor Party relied, with Fabian approaches to the state and policy giving way to planning, Keynesianism, and other formal expertise. Whatever type of knowledge the Labour Party relied upon to guide state intervention, it was constantly challenged by socialists opposed to its liberal concept of democracy and the role it gave to the state. These latter socialists often advocated the democratization of associations within civil society itself.


2015 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 196-198
Author(s):  
Christopher H. Evans

In 1921, Shailer Mathews coined what became a classic, yet somewhat obtuse, definition of the social gospel in North American religious history. He defined it as “the application of the teaching of Jesus and the total message of the Christian salvation to society, the economic life, and social institutions such as the state, the family, as well as to individuals.” For all the problems with Mathews's definition, it does serve as a useful template for understating the social gospel, especially interpreting what Mathews meant by the phrase, “the total message of the Christian salvation.”


Author(s):  
S. V. Makarchuk ◽  
S. P. Zvyagin

The documentation, proceeding from social-democratic organizations of Primorye during the revolution of 1905–1907 is considered and political reaction, presented in the Collection of Illegal Publications of the Center for Social and Political History (CSPI) at the State Public Historical Library (GPIB). Documentary collections of the library are equated to archival collections and are an important component of the Archive Fund of the Russian Federation, and the documentation contained in them, as a rule, belongs to the category of particularly valuable or unique. The Center for Social and Political History of the State Public Historical Library contains in its collection illegal publications of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), including publications of local organizations and groups. Primorye organizations include 13 documents, which are charters, cash reports, conference resolutions, mandates to deputies, reports on the status and activities, political proclamations. Most of the documents come from the Vladivostok organization of the RSDLP – officially approved by the leading organization of the Primorsky district of the RSDLP, which included all the Social Democratic groups of the Primorsky region. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the organizational structure, status and activities of the organizations of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in the Primorsky region of the Amur governor general-governorate and to determine the functional role and significance of the historical documentation presented in the department of the rare book of the CSPI, according to the surviving historical sources. Being historical sources and performing a retrospective function, during the period of its operation the collection documents carried social, political, ideological, and regulatory functions. Their importance for studying the social and political movement in the Far East, Siberia and the country as a whole can not be overestimated.


Author(s):  
Jan Swanepoel

In his paper The Dialectics in the Values of the 1996 Constitution Jan Swanepoel discusses various value statements in the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and focuses the attention on indications of a lack of coherence as far as these value statements are concerned. He does this against the background of some introductory perspectives on the 1996 Constitution. In this regard he points out that the 1996 Constitution, as successor to the 1993 Constitution with its set of thirty four constitutional principles, can be regarded as a document of political and ideological compromise. He points out that constitutions (and in particular the value statements in Bills of Rights) generally tend to be formulated rather broadly in order to promote flexibility and adaptability. He also focuses the attention on the fact that such a dialectic of values point to the variety of interests that has to be harmonized in a modern state, something which is unmistakably the case in South Africa with its heterogeneous society. The 1996 Constitution contains a variety of "value terms". A closer study of these terms does, however, indicate that these terms (value, principle, foundation, and the like) are not used in a very systematic or technical fashion. The problems regarding the value statements are, however, not only of a terminological nature. There are also some substantive problems, as becomes clear from a discussion of value terms in the Preamble and in Sections 1 and 7 of the 1996 Constitution. Swanepoel indicates that a tension exists between what can be called the "process" formulation in section 1(a) and the "state of affairs" formulation of the values in section 7(1). . While section 1(a) speaks of "the achievement of equality" and "the advancement of human rights and freedoms", section 7(1) simply makes mention of "equality" and "freedom". The dialectic between these twoformulations is discussed with reference to other relevant sections of the 1996 Constitution. The discussion is placed against the background of a so-called blank space in the1996 Constitution. While the 1993 Constitution characterized South Africa as a "constitutional state", the 1996 does not contain such a characterization. It is argued in this paper that the process phrasing in section 1 (a) ties in with a social democratic view of the state as an institution bringing about social change. The "state of affairs" phrasing of section 7(1) is, on the other hand, more in line with a liberal notion of a Rechtsstaat. The issue concerning what type of state South Africa is under the 1996 Constitution, will depend on which of the two poles in the above-mentioned dialectic the primary emphasis will be placed. Since the 1996 Constitution has been ratified by the Constitutional Court, it is regarded as extremely unlikely that the above-mentioned terminological problem will be rectified in future. Swanepoel provides a diagrammatic representation of the principle, values and objectives mentioned in the 1996 Constitution. Further research is envisaged concerning the possibility of developing a juridical model of reconciling the social-democratic and Rechtsstaat tendencies in the 1996 Constitution within the framework of a broader vision on the state’s task in bringing about justice. 


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (S1) ◽  
pp. S30-S38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abby Innes

This paper examines Poland, Hungary, the UK and the US the most surprising cases of populist reaction. It argues that the social polarization caused by the failures of hyper-liberal reforms to the state, and the association of Social Democratic parties with those reforms, has provoked alienation from liberal democratic politics.


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