From Paternalism to the Chambas Formula for Mediation: Conceptualizing Cooperation between the UN and Regional Organizations in Mediating Conflicts

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Thomas Kwasi Tieku ◽  
Megan Payler

Abstract This article explores the working relationship between the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in mediating conflicts in West Africa and the Sahel regions. We argue that through the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS), the UN, ECOWAS and the AU are working on mediation efforts to transcend traditional conceptualizations of the relationship between the world body and regional organizations. We show that the partnership is grounded on the logic of subsidiarity, informality, elite networks, technical competence, soft skills, and robust social trust. For heuristic purposes, we call the six principles the Chambas Formula, with reference to the centrality of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for West Africa and the Sahel, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, and the emergence and consistent application of the principles in the mediation setting in West Africa and the Sahel regions.

The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-208
Author(s):  
Karin Arts

In 1966 the General Assembly of the United Nations revoked the Mandate over South West Africa (Namibia) and thus terminated South Africa's right to administer the territory. It furthermore placed Namibia under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. Administration of the territory was delegated by the General Assembly to a subsidiary organ, the UnitedNations Council for Namibia (UNCN). The author briefly describes the establishment, the structure, the functions and the powers of the Council. Special attention will be paid to questions concerning the legal status of the UNCN. Finally the major activities of the Council will be reviewed and appraised


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
U Laaser ◽  
V Bjegovic-Mikanovic

Abstract Background To reach the targets of SDG3 not more than a decade is left. How do the Low and Middle-Income Countries in Northern Africa - in the immediate neighborhood to Europe - compare to the 15 members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and well-developed European countries around the Baltic Sea (the “Northern Dimension”) incl. Russia? Methods We used quantifiable mortality indicators and targeted reductions until 2030, as published for SDG3.1/2/3 by the United Nations in 2015. To estimate progress or delay we used the methodology of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) based on the target year 2030, a year of observation, and a year at baseline. For the comparison between Northern Africa/Northern Europe we calculated for indicator 3.3 the Premature Years of Life Lost (PYLL) and for the comparison of Northern/Western Africa the more sensitive indicators 3.1 and 2, the Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR), the Neonatal Mortality Rate NMR, and the under-five Mortality Rate (<5MR). Results In Northern Africa, only Algerian and Morocco will achieve the 2030 target 3.4 in time i.e., 2.5 and 7 years in advance, whereas Egypt, Libya and Tunisia are in delay Mauretania even by 14.5 years. The countries around the Baltic Sea likely will achieve the targeted reduction before 2030, Estonia on top already 2025, followed by Latvia and Finland in 2026, and the Russian Federation in 2027. Among the 15 West African states, Capo Verde has reached the targets 3.1 and 2 already, followed by Senegal (e.g., 4.0 years in advance for <5MR) and Ghana, whereas Guinea Bissau is positioned at the end with a delay of 4,2 years for MMR. The countries of Northern Africa are on track except for Algeria, with 6.2 years in delay for MMR and Mauretania for all indicators. Conclusions Whereas the European countries are well in advance of the SDG targets, Northern Africa shows a mixed picture and the countries of Western Africa with a few exceptions are in delay. Key messages European countries around the Baltic Sea and Russia are well on track for SDG3, reducing their premature mortality by one third until 2030. Whereas the European countries are well in advance of the SDG targets, Northern Africa shows a mixed picture and the countries of Western Africa with a few exceptions are in delay.


Author(s):  
Manu Bhagavan

This chapter discusses India’s association with the United Nations. Guided by the vision of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the country initially had a highly successful grand strategy guiding its foreign policy that placed that UN at the centre of its diplomatic efforts. Things took a sharp downward turn, however, during the administration of Indira Gandhi, and the relationship has lacked cohesion and meaningful direction ever since. In recent times, India has sought to become a permanent member of the Security Council and has relatedly but unsuccessfully attempted to wield influence, though large questions about its purpose and goals remain. Contemporary crises, though, now make the answers ever more urgent.


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