Self-determination and Indigenous Women – “Whose Voice Is It We Hear in the Sámi Parliament?”

2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rauna Kuokkanen
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Indigenous Women ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
National Policies ◽  
Iris Marion Young

AbstractThe Sámi self-determination discourse has always been state-centric in its tendency to invoke the central role of the Nordic states in shaping national policies and legislation on Sámi rights. This article examines the meaning of Sámi self-determination from the perspective of Sámi women: how do Sámi women understand the concept, how do they evaluate the current efforts to implement self-determination by Sámi political institutions and what kind of forms their socio-political participation takes in contemporary Sámi society? It argues that Sámi self-determination is often understood in relational terms as discussed by Iris Marion Young.

scholarly journals Democracy's Deficit: The Role of Institutional Contact in Shaping non-White Political Behavior

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela García-Castañon ◽  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Hannah L. Walker ◽  
Chinbo Chong
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Community Group ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Positive Effect

AbstractThis paper examines the effect of institutional contact on political participation among non-White communities. While both formal and informal institutions help shape community citizen participation, their effects vary on the historical inclusion (or exclusion) of certain racial groups. Formal institutions, like political parties, have historically excluded or neglected non-White and immigrant voters. We argue that for the excluded or neglected, non-traditional political institutions, like community based organizations, serve as supplements to facilitate political incorporation and engagement. These informal institutions help develop skills and resources among their constituents, and offer routine opportunities to participate. We use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to test the differential effects of self-reported voter mobilization through nonpartisan and partisan institutional contact to explain variations among racial groups by the intensity of contact, occurrence of co-ethnic outreach, and type of institutional mobilization. We find that while contact by a partisan/political institution, like a political party or campaign, has an overall positive effect on political participation for all voters, contact by a nonpartisan/civic or community group is substantively more important for Latino and Asian American voter mobilization. Our analysis therefore offers cohesive evidence of how voters interact with and are affected by mobilization efforts that attends to differences across racial and ethnic boundaries, and variations in institutional contact.

Self-Determination and Violence against Indigenous Women

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-216
Author(s):  
Rauna Kuokkanen
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Indigenous Women ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Gender Justice ◽  
Gendered Violence ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Feminist Discourse ◽  
And Gender

Indigenous feminist discourse links the realities of multilayered violence faced by Indigenous women to questions of self-determination, self-government, and the survival of Indigenous communities. This chapter considers how Indigenous political institutions and leadership address gendered violence. Nearly all interviewees agreed that violence against women is a self-determination issue, but pointed out that existing self-government institutions do not address the problem as such (if at all). Another problem, also mentioned by some interviewees, is the limited resources. There are, however, increasing attempts to address violence against Indigenous women by Indigenous political institutions, including self-government bodies, although there is considerable variance between the three regions examined here. Building on existing considerations of gendered violence and gender justice in Indigenous contexts and using interview data, the author advances a theory of Indigenous self-determination that affirms Indigenous women’s rights and gender justice.

Growth Paradigms and Congruent Institutions: Estimating Context-Varying Effects of Political Institutions on Economic Performance

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Hanson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Productivity Growth ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Growth Regressions ◽  
State Authority ◽  
Growth Constraints

Traditional economic growth regressions are not adequate to identify the role of political institutions because they assume a universal growth paradigm exists. Instead, there are distinct paradigms of investment- and innovation-based growth, and the effects of political institutions vary across them. Using a dataset covering 83 countries from 1965–2008, this study employs a mixture models estimation to identify these paradigms. It finds that state authority is critical for countries engaged in investment-based growth, and competitive political participation tempers the pace of capital accumulation but increases productivity growth. Conversely, where innovation-based growth predominates, state authority has little effect and competitive political participation slows the pace of growth. Constraints on rulers do not support investment in either paradigm.

scholarly journals Gender And Political Participation In Pakistan: Issues And Constraints

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Rukhsana Hassan ◽  
Saima Keyani
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Human Resource Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The Military ◽  
Women Participation

In order to achieve the objectives of poverty alleviation, sustainable development, and even human resource development it is imperative that women should be a part of governance and decision making bodies at all levels. In Pakistan too since independence, like other countries of the world, over the period of last six decades different regimes, both civil and military,have attempted to integrate women in the political process of the country. In the year 2000 under the patronage of the military regime, Pakistan has made significant progress in enhancing women’s political participation. In the local government ordinance of 2001 women representation in the different tiers of local government was raised to 33%. Regardless of this progress women access to the political institutions is not without constraints. Data for the research was collected, through interviews and close ended questionnaires, from 20 women parliamentarians. The major constraint, according to the respondents, is the mindset which women have to face in order to participate in the political process. The mindset is based upon the stereotypical division of roles and domain into male and female, which restrict women’s roles to domestic sphere and deter their participation in the public life. Although, women parliamentarian did acknowledge the role of family support in overcoming barriers to women participation in the political process, still in 21st century this support is not available to majority of women in Pakistani society. Apart from it role of media and the support of political parties are two other important dimensions which play an important role in creating barriers to women participation in the political process.

Generalised Trust, Institutional Trust and Political Participation

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 695-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Hyun-soo Kim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Linear Models ◽  
Institutional Trust ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
The Relationship

The main objective of this study is to examine the role of trust as it relates to individual political behaviour. Previous research suggests that social (generalised) trust and political (institutional) trust are associated with the likelihood of getting involved in both informal and formal political activities. Despite the large volume of studies, however, the extant scholarship is not clear on the exact nature of the relationship between trust and civic engagement. Moreover, the existing evidence is largely based on data that consist of Western-developed democracies. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the associations between the two forms of trust and informal (signing a petition, boycotting, protesting) and formal (voting) political activities in the context of Central and Southeast Asia. The data come from AsiaBarometer Survey (2005), which contains cross-national data on probability samples from this region. Hierarchical linear models are estimated to examine the political impact of trust in strangers and confidence in political institutions. Findings show that only institutional trust is significantly related to voting, i.e., formal political participation. On the other hand, both forms of trust are found to be associated with informal political activities. There is also cross-level interaction between institutional trust and level of democracy. In a less democratic country, where individual democratic rights are limited, institutional trust plays a greater role in facilitating political participation.

The Role of Nonprofit Sector Networks as Mechanisms for Immigrant Political Participation

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Veronis
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Multiple Scales ◽  
Nonprofit Sector ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Immigrant Community ◽  
Immigrant Political Incorporation

Issues of immigrant political incorporation and transnational politics have drawn increased interest among migration scholars. This paper contributes to debates in this field by examining the role of networks, partnerships and collaborations of immigrant community organizations as mechanisms for immigrant political participation both locally and transnationally. These issues are addressed through an ethnographic study of the Hispanic Development Council, an umbrella advocacy organization representing settlement agencies serving Latin American immigrants in Toronto, Canada. Analysis of HDC’s three sets of networks (at the community, city and transnational levels) from a geographic and relational approach demonstrates the potentials and limits of nonprofit sector partnerships as mechanisms and concrete spaces for immigrant mobilization, empowerment, and social action in a context of neoliberal governance. It is argued that a combination of partnerships with a range of both state and non-state actors and at multiple scales can be significant in enabling nonprofit organizations to advance the interests of immigrant, minority and disadvantaged communities.

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