scholarly journals The Concept of Heresy and the Debates on Descartes’s Philosophy

2020 ◽  
Vol 100 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 172-186
Author(s):  
Aza Goudriaan

Abstract This article explores connotations of ‘heresy’ in theological traditions before and during Descartes’s life. Lutheran and Reformed Protestants, themselves considered heretics by the Church of Rome, adopted the patristic heresiology while designating sixteenth-century antitrinitarian and Anabaptist teachings as heresies. Francisco Suárez and Gisbertus Voetius knew the late medieval conceptuality (e.g., Council of Konstanz, 1418). Voetius possibly thought of Descartes when describing certain philosophical views as “smacking of heresy.” This was not, however, an outright charge of heresy. In fact, Descartes’s readiness to be corrected contradicted the traditional heretical quality of “stubbornness.” Plempius’s expression “Cartesian heresy” seems to have been rare. For anti-Cartesians, the rich vocabulary of error made the complex term ‘heresy’ easily avoidable.

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-104
Author(s):  
Sam Hole

Chapter 2 explores the distinctiveness of John’s writing, examining the various theological and non-theological traditions by which John’s notion of desire was informed. A brief biography of John, to give the reader entirely unfamiliar with John an initial understanding of his context, is offered. John’s appropriation of Thomas Aquinas’s anthropology is inspected. John’s thought was also rooted in a sixteenth-century reappraisal of the Augustinian tradition that emphasized the spiritual ascent as undergone through the transformation of the interior faculties of the soul. In addition, John was influenced by his reading of late medieval Dionysian traditions, with their heightened sense of the metaphysical rootedness of the soul’s appetites in the desiring quality of divine love. It is, of course, difficult to speak uncomplicatedly of a Dionysian, Augustinian, or Thomist understanding of any given theological topic. Accordingly, the chapter pays particular attention to John’s late medieval intellectual and monastic context, examining how these diverse traditions may have been transmitted to John and received by him. At the end of Chapter 2 the elevated attention that John pays to the potential and limits of language is examined. John’s depiction of the significance of language on the ascent is influenced by Dionysian thought, by non-theological poetic traditions and by traditions of allegorical exegesis of the Song of Songs. John’s thought, in short, draws creatively on a range of theological and non-theological traditions that themselves draw in diverse fashion on biblical, Christian, and Platonic understandings of desire.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 176-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. F. Taylor

Many of the sixteenth century Protestant reformers denied the rôle and authority of the Roman Church as a mediating instrument between Christ and believers. There was specific theological objection to the legitimacy of a sacrament of holy orders with a divinely empowered hierarchy. In consequence, much of the Catholic reaction and reform was designed to re-establish and emphasise both dogmatically and practically true authority within the Church. Seminaries therefore, as planned by the Tridentine decree of 15 July 1563, belonged to an ecclesiological context. They were seedbeds, giving protection from hostile and indifferent society, where men were set apart to sink roots in the rich soil of clerical life, and only then to emeige to feed the Church.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
Aimee Caya

The Beresford Monument from the Church of St Edmund at Fenny Bentley in Derbyshire is a funerary monument that has received relatively little attention from scholars due to its unusual imagery and the lack of documentary evidence regarding its creation. The alabaster monument depicts Thomas Beresford (d. 1473) and Agnes Hassall (d. 1467) as fully shrouded three-dimensional effigies. Incised around the base of the monument are enshrouded representations of their twenty-one children. This paper analyzes the impact that veiling the bodies of Thomas Beresford and Agnes Hassall has on the effectiveness of the monument as a commemorative tool and situates the shrouded effigies within their broader visual and social context at the turn of the sixteenth century. Rather than dismiss the unusual imagery of the Beresford Monument as an expedient solution selected by sculptors who did not know what Thomas Beresford and Agnes Hassall actually looked like, this paper argues that shrouding the effigies was a deliberate commemorative strategy meant to evoke specific responses in the monument’s viewers. Although there is little concrete information about the tomb’s commission, contextualizing it by examining the monument in concert with other aspects of late medieval culture—including purgatorial piety, macabre texts and imagery, and ex votos—can provide a richer understanding of the object’s potentiality for its beholders. The anonymizing aspect of the shroud ultimately enabled viewers to identify freely and easily with the individuals depicted on the monument, which would have encouraged them to pray for the souls of Thomas and Agnes, thus perpetuating their memories and reducing their time in purgatory.


Author(s):  
Beth Kreitzer

Mary, the queen of heaven and the most powerful intercessor among all the saints, was the focus of intense piety and devotion at the turn of the sixteenth century. She played a central role in the life of Christians, both in private devotions and in public ritual. But not everyone was pleased with the quantity or quality of Marian devotion. Following earlier critics, Martin Luther rejected much of the medieval cult surrounding Mary and transformed Marian devotion, inspiring a shift in her image from that of a powerful, merciful queen to a humble, obedient housewife. Although he maintained a warm, if transformed, devotion to Mary himself, Luther’s understanding of her role as the Mother of God and foremost of saints was dramatically different from the late medieval understanding. His influence on Protestant areas had the long-term effect of reducing Mary’s importance in Christian life and her visibility to Christians.


1992 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-486
Author(s):  
John D. Morrison

The late medieval synthesis reflected in the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) generally and in the doctrine of transubstantiation in particular established an understanding of the nature of the church and authority that was to be varied and wide in its effects. Transubstantiation as doctrine and as coalescor of Church worship laid the groundwork for a particularly formative understanding of the ekklesia of Christ. It issued in a view of immanental, divine authority and grace that would come to manifest itself in the indulgences, the treasury of merits, invocation of saints, relics, etc. To be critical of the Mass was to bring into question the entire hierarchy of the Church and its authority on earth. In this context of strong ecclesiological authority, God was reckoned primarily as immanent and immediate through the papal head. In the face of this development, John Calvin asserted that Christ, as center of all true Christian reality, is the necessary focus and the preeminent authority in and to the Church through the Word of God, the Scriptures.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Judith Maltby

Between 1640 and 1642 the Church of England collapsed, its leaders reviled and discredited, its structures paralysed, its practices if not yet proscribed, at least inhibited. In the years that followed, yet worse was to befall it. And yet in every year of its persecution after 1646, new shoots sprang up out of the fallen timber: bereft of episcopal leadership, lacking any power of coercion, its observances illegal, anglicanism thrived. As memories of the 1630s faded and were overlaid by the tyrannies of the 1640s … the deeper rhythms of the Kalendar and the ingrained perfections of Cranmer’s liturgies bound a growing majority together.Professor John Morrill, quoted above, has rightly identified a set of historiographical contradictions about the Stuart Church in a series of important articles. Historians have until recently paid little attention to the positive and popular elements of conformity to the national Church of England in the period before the civil war. The lack of interest in conformity has led to a seventeenth-century version of the old Whig view of the late medieval Church: the Church of England is presented as a complacent, corrupt, and clericalist institution, ‘ripe’ – as the English Church in the early sixteenth century was ‘ripe’ – to be purified by reformers. However, if this was the case, how does one account for the durable commitment to the Prayer Book demonstrated during the 1640s and 1650s and the widespread – but not universal – support for the ‘return’ of the Church of England in 1660?This paper contributes to the larger exploration of the theme of ‘the Church and the book’ by addressing in particular the continued use by clergy and laity alike of one ‘book’ – the Book of Common Prayer – after its banning by Parliament during the years of civil war and the Commonwealth.


1982 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Richard Palmer

In this paper I would like to explore theories of disease and practices of healing in late medieval and early modern Europe, and to focus on two diseases, leprosy and plague. Much of the discussion will be based on Italian evidence since in this period, and especially in the sixteenth century, Italy was in the forefront of European medicine. Physicians were more numerous in Italy than in most European countries, and available not only in cities, but in small towns and rural communities. But disease and healing were not the exclusive concern of the medical profession. The church had not forgotten that healing had theological overtones. Equally there were the governments of the Italian states deeply committed to legislation for public health and to the control of epidemics.


1986 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 69-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Henderson

The confraternities of late-medieval Europe have been seen as associations which were in some ways almost independent of the Church, and drew their special dynamism from the fact that the parish was supposedly in decline and had ceased to provide an adequate religious service to the lay community. However true this may have been north of the Alps, the problem when this proposition is applied to southern Europe, and particularly Italy, is that very little is known about the late-medieval parish to ascertain whether confraternities were really syphoning off the adherence of the local inhabitants. So often our impressions about the state of the Italian church derive from the sporadic visitations of local bishops or the ribald stories of a Boccaccio or Franco Sacchetti, later repeated and taken almost at face value by such influential writers as Burkhardt. But we may also be in danger of seeing late-medieval religion filtered through sixteenth-century eyes and taking for granted the correctness of the criticisms of the Council of Trent or for that matter following Luther’s gripes that confraternities had become no more than beer-drinking clubs.


2009 ◽  
pp. 255-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Gligorijevic-Maksimovic

In Byzantine painting, starting from the XIII and particularly during the XIV century, there was a visible return to models from the period of Antiquity. The influences of ancient, ostensibly, Hellenistic heritage were reflected in the shapes, in the content of the compositions, as well as in the drawing, modellation and colours. In the art that came into being in the course of the XIII century, in the endowments of the Serbian donors numerous elements emerged that had existed in ancient art. In the frescoes in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica, the endowment of Stefan Nemanja and his sons, we see personifications, symbols, the introduction of details, and space acquiring depth, features that were later to come to full expression, especially from the middle of the XIII century. The few preserved frescoes dating from the XIII century in the Church of the Resurrection in the Zica monastery, the endowment of Stefan the First Crowned, his son Radoslav and his brother Sava, are an iconographic continuation of the trends in the art one encounters in Studenica. The frescoes in the Church of Christ's Ascension in Mileseva, the endowment of King Vladislav, with their subtly fashioned figures and carefully modelled faces, as well as refined colouring, signal a return to the Hellenistic models. The painting in the Church of Dormition of the Virgin in the Moraca monastery, the endowment of Prince Stefan, nephew of king Stefan, with its well-proportioned, firmly modelled figures, landscapes and architecture deepening the space, reminds one of the Sopocani frescoes. In the fresco painting of the Holy Apostles in Pec, the endowment of Archbishop Sava which owed its outcome to the efforts of Archbishop Arsenije I, the images are very vivid, and the painted architecture is depicted in an abbreviated form, using different kinds of perspective. The painting in the Church of the Holy Trinity in Sopocani, the endowment of king Uros I, represents an ensemble of new artistic trends that appeared during the first half of the XIII century. Its spacious and monumental compositions present solutions that give the figures a quality of flexibility and breadth to their movements, while their faces resemble those of Antiquity. The space is indicated by architecture painted in an abbreviated manner, the iconostasis and icons are framed in an ornament of stucco bearing antique motifs, some scenes contain personifications, while the rich and harmonious colours and gold in the background emphasise the Hellenistic spirit. The frescoes in the Church of the Annunciation in the Gradac monastery, the endowment of Queen Jelena followed the trends in painting from Sopocani. The figures in the narthex of the Church of St. George in Djurdjevi Stupovi and in the parekklesion of the entrance tower, the endowment of King Dragutin, were painted in a rather similar fashion. The decoration of St. Ahilije in Arilje, the endowment of King Dragutin, consists of monumental figures of ancient beauty, richly painted architecture in the background, and greater depth painted in different forms of perspective and scenes containing details from everyday life. During the XIII century, the proportions of the compositions became larger, the number of participants in them increased, various episodes were added to the existing scenes, and the space was defined by a larger number of plans and buildings of ancient forms. At the same time, the painted architecture was presented in the perspective of different projections, deepening the space when necessary and highlighting the subject matter. The landscape is presented in the background, keeping to the rhythm of the scene or partitioning the episodes within the composition, while depicting vegetation and animals that resemble the mosaic flooring of ancient times. Special attention was paid to appearance and workmanship, to the modeling of the faces and human figures that acquired the proportions and harmony of Antiquity. Characters with lively movements were more numerous and were located more freely in the space. Compositions were more numerous, enriched with details from everyday life, while into the established scenes as regards Christian iconography were included personifications, symbolic and allegorical figures. The influences of Antiquity were also reflected in the precise drawing, plastic modeling and rich, refined colours. During the XIII century, the revival of models from Antiquity evolved gradually in the painting of the endowments belonging to the Serbian ktetors, most of whom were members of the Nemanjic ruling house. First of all, single elements appeared that were related to the proportions of the compositions and the images, personifications, symbolic presentations, the temperate voluminousity of the figures, refined colours all of which heralded further trends in painting. In addition, the painted architecture, of Hellenistic forms, gained an increasing role in the definition of space. The painting in Sopocani, with its monumental dimensions, its harmony of ancient proportions, precise drawing and modeling, wealth of colours and splendour of gold, reached an outstanding level in the Byzantine painting of that epoch. The decoration of the monuments that were built later, up to the end of the XIII century, mirrored the achievements of the Sopocani painting and continued to develop by including elements from the Antiquity. Thus, at the beginning of the XIV century, the emulation of models from the Antiquity came to full expression in the monumental endowments of King Milutin.


2014 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-315
Author(s):  
Beth Allison Barr

Examining recent claims that the early modern Bible served as an empowering force for women, this article draws evidence from English sermons designed for quotidinal lay instruction—such as the late medieval sermons of Festial, the sixteenth-century Tudor Homilies, and the seventeenth-century sermons of William Gouge and Benjamin Keach. As didactic religious texts written and delivered by men but also heard and read by women, sermons reveal how preachers rhetorically shaped the contours of women’s agency. Late medieval sermons include women specifically in scripture and authorize women through biblical role models as actively participating within the church. Conversely, early modern sermons were less likely to add women into scripture and more likely to use scripture to limit women by their domestic identities. Thus, through their approaches to biblical texts, medieval preachers present women as more visible and active agents whereas early modern preachers present women as less visible and more limited in their roles—thereby presenting a more complex story of how the Bible affected women across the Reformation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document