Congo's Kabila will use Kasai violence to linger

Significance Violence has escalated dramatically and displaced nearly one million people in four central provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Kasai, Kasai-Central, Kasai-Oriental and Lomami. This includes the decapitation of 42 police officers in March and the murder of two UN investigators; the government has blamed Kamuina Nsapu rebels for both incidents. The recent violence reflects a volatile mix of local and national factors, fuelled by the belief that President Joseph Kabila intends to stay in power beyond 2017. Impacts Kabila’s reshuffles will be viewed with distrust at the local level in the Kasais and could prompt popular protests and armed resistance. Developments in the Kasais may inspire similar defiance in other provinces. However, such opposition is unlikely to lead to a united force capable of pressuring Kabila to hold national elections as agreed.

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-56
Author(s):  
Alexandra Taylor

Since 2003, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has enjoyed only a tenuous peace. For the past decade, a period spanning two official wars and years of continued violence, the only constant division has been between those who have guns and those who do not. The transitional government, established in 2003, brought the main rebel groups from the Second Congo War into the government, a move to stabilize the intertwined political and military conflict. However, a constantly shifting web of armed groups continues to operate in the DRC, particularly in the northeast. The alliances sometimes cross borders. In this very fluid conflict, identifying the aggressor, the allegiance of certain fighters, or the location of a group of refugees or internally displaced persons fleeing conflict can change almost monthly. Despite five years since “peace,” national elections, and the presence of the most expensive current United Nations peacekeeping operation, the DRC remains destabilized and has seen no drastic improvement.


Author(s):  
Koto-te-Nyiwa Ngbolua ◽  
Ngemale Gbiadiri Maurice ◽  
Masengo Ashande Colette ◽  
Ndolete Geregbia Jean-Pierre ◽  
Bongo Ngiala Gédéon ◽  
...  

In Africa, the importance of NTFPs in the livelihood security is well recognized and these products represent vital sources of income for poor population. However, the sales chain of Marantaceae leaves is informal in Gbado-Lite and there is no information available on this sector for the promotion of the sale of NTFPs at the local level to reduce poverty and protect the environment as well as to conserve biodiversity. This survey shows that mostly female (55%) carries out the sale of Marantaceae leaves in Gbado-Lite. Among traders, 37.5% are illiterate, 32.5%, 20% and 10% have a secondary, primary and university education respectively. Regarding the marital status, 52.5% of respondents are divorced, 25% are widows and 22.5% are married. While 40% of respondents are unemployed, 30% are farmers while housewives and pupils account for 17.5% and 12.5% respectively. Our respondents know seven other non-woody forest products. These include: Mushrooms (27.5%), Caterpillars (22.5%), Marantaceae leaves (20%), honey (17.5%), snails and game (5% each) and vines (2.5%). Marantaceae leaves are first used for food packaging (47.5%), food preservation (35%), building material (10%). The forest accounts for 52% of the total harvesting habitat of Marantaceae leaves. It is followed by fallow (25%), fields (15%) savannah (8%) respectively. This sale allows the schooling for children (27.5%); health care (20%); food purchase (17%); beverage purchase (12.5%). The majority of respondents believe that these leaves are not well managed after use and therefore pollute the environment because of the lack of a waste collection structure. Yet, they are biodegradable and should be used to make compost for crops in Gbado-Lite.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shankar Neeraj ◽  
Sandeeka Mannakkara ◽  
Suzanne Wilkinson

Purpose This paper aims to understand the recovery process after the 2018 floods in Kerala, India, and it determines whether the recovery efforts were aligned with Build Back Better (BBB) concepts. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative approach was adopted to collect the data from the officials of Government and NGOs involved in Kerala recovery. The participants were interviewed on the challenges faced during the recovery process and the actions taken by them to overcome it. Findings The study identified that the Kerala Government was proactive at making the community resilient from future disasters by – encouraging owner-driven reconstruction among flood-affected households; supporting locals to rejuvenate their business; and by creating a local-level recovery authority. Further, this paper identifies the areas that Kerala was lacking in terms of BBB and where resilience-based plans and actions are needed for the future. Research limitations/implications The participants were employees of Government and NGOs at a state level as they were the primary decision-makers to implement any recovery actions. Researchers believe that the authorities at district and village level could have had a different perspective towards implementing the recovery actions. Practical implications The best practices presented in this paper for effective BBB will assist the government to build/improve resilience in the community. Originality/value The implementation of BBB concepts in the areas of disaster risk reduction, community recovery and effective implementation was never studied extensively. The research provides valuable information on what extent Kerala’s post-disaster recovery and reconstruction activities were in-line with BBB practices.


Author(s):  
Shiva Kumar Shrestha

Purpose – As the government extension services are less effective in reaching the remote areas and mid-hills of Nepal, the purpose of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of community-based management in technology transfer. Design/methodology/approach – The Farmer-to-Farmer (FtF) extension approach as a better alternative to government extension services will be adopted in the research. Findings – The FtF approach is a cost effective and sustainable service delivery mechanism for extending basic and innovative technologies to rural farmers, especially in remote areas. Even marginalized, poor and disadvantaged groups, often excluded from mainstream assistance, have better access to extension services disseminated through the FtF approach. The agriculture committees established at the Village Development Committee (VDC) level are much entrusted by the people as they facilitates their participation in the planning-to-implementation processes related to local agriculture development programmes. Consequently, there is much local support for the establishment of the local committees and the FtF approach. Several challenges remain however, one being the committee members’ management capacity. Originality/value – Decentralizing the FtF extension approach to the local level, the VDCs.


Subject Proposed reforms in the oil and gas sector. Significance In the face of strong resource nationalism, President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo's government faces strong pressure to improve the balance between public control and private participation in the oil and gas sector. To that end, the government proposes to amend the 2001 oil and gas law. Its draft amendment proposes, most notably, that state enterprises should control all production operations, while private investors provide technology and capital. The government is also considering revisions to the upstream regime, which is currently based on production-sharing contracts (PSCs). These changes require parliamentary approval. Impacts Private firms, especially foreign ones, are likely to delay fresh investment in energy assets, given the oil and gas market glut. Indonesia's vast natural resource endowment will attract private interest, but regulatory uncertainty will be an abiding problem. Transparency in the extractive sector will continue to rise at the national level, but local level reforms will be slow.


Subject Outlook for Myanmar's ceasefire process after eight ethnic armed groups agreed to sign up. Significance Myanmar's government will sign a ceasefire agreement on October 15. Despite the deal's "nationwide" title it covers only eight of 15 ethnic armed groups, raising security and political concerns ahead of national elections on November 8. Impacts The government will push for current non-signatory ethnic armed groups to join the ceasefire. The National League for Democracy will foster links with ethnic groups, anticipating the post-election period. The military vote may be used to manipulate the election's result.


Subject African politics and security to end-2017. Significance Key regional leaders are set to step down from national and party presidencies in Angola and South Africa, presidents in Nigeria and Zimbabwe are in ill health, while growing displacement crises in the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) could worsen without increased international funding and support. Although famine risks have lessened in South Sudan, conflict and instability will persist in Nigeria and Somalia as renewed insurgency threats grow.


Significance The Kurdish referendum has complicated Abadi’s efforts to win reselection after provincial and national elections, expected in April 2018. Abadi -- an Arab Shia -- is vying for voters within a fractured Shia constituency. The referendum, which could break up the country, is deeply unpopular among the Shia base; Abadi, however, needs an alliance with the Kurds to confront Shia political rivals. Impacts The referendum is likely to go ahead, and could prove a flashpoint. Iraq will boost diplomatic engagement with Washington, Riyadh and Ankara. Mainstream Shia parties will work together to limit the rise of Shia militia leaders. A sharp increase in IS terrorist attacks could undermine faith in the government.


Subject Rwanda's governance model. Significance The ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) celebrated its 30th anniversary in late 2017 with a series of major public events. Taken together, they provide a lens onto President Paul Kagame and the RPF’s rule -- and the very nature of power in Rwanda today. In particular, they demonstrate the extent to which the national political space now revolves around the figure of Kagame himself. Impacts Despite impressive development gains, Rwanda’s goal of becoming a middle-income country by 2020 remains ambitious. The Rwanda National Congress, which includes many former senior RPF figures, is the main opposition threat, but faces internal divisions. Regional insecurity in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo could be destabilising if it spills across borders.


Subject Prospects for East Africa and the Great Lakes in 2018. Significance Questions of democratic legitimacy and transition will dominate the outlook for East Africa and the Great Lakes over the coming year, in the context of election controversies (Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kenya), constitutional term-limit issues (Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, Uganda) and deepening political conflicts (Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan). Receding economic headwinds will support a moderate growth recovery for several states (Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda), but political risk will weigh on the outlook for others (Burundi, DRC, Kenya, South Sudan).


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