Philosophical Idealism and Utopian Capitalism: The Vekhi Authors and the Riabushinskii Circle

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-513
Author(s):  
James West
Keyword(s):  
Small Group ◽  
Spiritual Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Philosophical Discourse ◽  
Bolshevik Revolution ◽  
Russian Intelligentsia ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Orthodox Theology ◽  
The Way

AbstractThe publication of the Vekhi ("Signposts") symposium in Moscow in 1909 was the literary event of the decade in Pre-Revolutionary Russia. Its critique of the radical collectivist traditions of the Russian intelligentsia in the name of "the primacy of spiritual life" was greeted with howls of condemnation from nearly every ideological camp. Contemporaries interpreted this appeal as turn away from the political struggle with autocracy toward mysticism and obscurantism. Historians have more charitably seen Vekhi as a way station in the ideological pilgrimage of its principal participants, Peter Struve, Nicholas Berdiaev, Sergei Bulgakov and Semion Frank, from Marxism through Liberalism toward more contemplative and ethereal realms of Idealist philosophy, Orthodox theology and imperialist nationalism. Both of these interpretative streams perpetuate the impression that Vekhi represented a drift from the practical to the spiritual, and that its message went, either deservedly or tragically, unheard and unheeded. It is argued here that Vekhi's philosophical discourse contained within it some very concrete social and economic prescriptions, and that its message in fact fell on at least some receptive ears. Vehki found an attentive audience among a small group of liberal industialists in Moscow, led by Pavel Riabushinskii. It served as a catalyst for the creation of an entrepreneurial group known as the Riabushinskii Circle, and opened the way for a remarkable collaboration between intellectuals and entrepreneurs that lasted until the Bolshevik Revolution, and culminated in Riabushinskii's "Utopian Capitalist" vision for Russia.

Menelaah Lebih Dekat “Post Factual/Post Truth Politics, Studi Kasus Brexit” (Analsis Resensi Media)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Way

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media

Citizenship, Migration, and Confessional Democracy in Lebanon

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Citizenship Regime ◽  
The Way

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.

Theater und Politik als Weg zur Integration

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christiane Lemke ◽  
Amalia Sdroulia
Keyword(s):  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Backgrounds ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Stage Performance ◽  
The Way

Since the creation of the theater, the theater stage has been closely connected to the political. Can theater play also pave the way for integration? In this book, amateur actors from different language and cultural backgrounds develop a play based on their own experiences with flight, alienation and starting new. The authors present suggestions for the instructional processing of self-written texts, exercises for testing different forms of expressions of the body as well as practical tips for the stage performance. Interviews with participating migrants, refugees and German students about their experiences with theater and integration in their daily lives complete the text.

The Global Visa Regime and the Political Technologies of the International Self: Borders, Bodies, Biopolitics

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark B. Salter
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Mobile Populations ◽  
International Borders ◽  
Global Mobility ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Technology ◽  
Individual Body ◽  
The Way

This article examines the micropolitics of the border by tracing the interface between government and individual body. In the first act of confession before the vanguard of governmental machinery, the border examination is crucial to both the operation of the global mobility regime and of sovereign power. The visa and passport systems are tickets that allow temporary and permanent membership in the community, and the border represents the limit of the community. The nascent global mobility regime through passport, visa, and frontier formalities manage an international population through and within a biopolitical frame and a confessionary complex that creates bodies that understand themselves to be international. The author charts the way that an international biopolitical order is constructed through the creation, classification, and contention of a surveillance regime and an international political technology of the individual that is driven by the globalization of a documentary, biometric, and confessionary regime. The global visa regime and international borders are crucial in constructing both international mobile populations and international mobile individuals.

Introduction

Iraq ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Governing Institutions ◽  
The Way

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the political development of Iraq from the inception of the state in 1921 to the post-2003 years of political and societal turmoil. Its premise is that from the very beginning of the state the Iraqi project in fact devolved into three undertakings: the consolidation of the state and its governing institutions, the legitimization of the state through the framing of democratic structures, and the creation of an overarching, and thus unifying, national identity. The book is different from other studies of Iraq's political history, in that it traces the development of each of the three projects of governance, democracy, and national identity separately, while at the same time highlighting the way they impacted and shaped one another. The remainder of the chapter discusses the roots of the predicament of post-2003 Iraq.

scholarly journals Re-writing Old Testament legends in La Queste del Saint Graal

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-113
Author(s):  
Monica Ruset-Oancă
Keyword(s):  
Old Testament ◽  
Literary Tradition ◽  
Spiritual Life ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Holy Grail ◽  
Sacred Place ◽  
Inclusive Approach ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Biblical Perspective ◽  
The Way

In this paper, I intend to present the way in which the Biblical stories and medieval legends are re-written in the episode of the Miraculous Ship in La Queste del Saint Graal, and to identify several characteristics of this vessel, considered ideal for the questers’ preparation for the ecstatic life in the presence of the Grail. The multi-layered symbolism of this miraculous self-moving ship is constantly enriched with new connotations, and from being a sacred place that offers the successful knights the opportunity to meditate on their spiritual life before reaching Sarras and the Holy Grail, it may also be regarded as a connector between the Old-Testament legends, Christian traditions and Arthurian lore. In addition, the focus of the story shifts from Arthurian adventures to the creation of a story of origin and Galahad is presented not only as the quintessential Arthurian knight, but also the rightful heir of mythical ancestors. More importantly, analysing the way in which some medieval texts are recycled in this fragment, the reader is astonished to find a very progressive re-writing of the well-known literary tradition, as it reveals a very appreciative portrayal of women’s agency and a tolerant attitude towards Jews (represented by Solomon). Both these aspects differ not only from the biblical perspective or dogmatic theories, but also from other 13th-century legends. Moreover, this inclusive approach to non-Christians is unique in the economy of La Queste.

scholarly journals ‘Bound hand and foot and handed over to the caste Hindus’: Ambedkar, untouchability and the politics of Partition

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús Francisco Cháirez-Garza
Keyword(s):  
Good Faith ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.

scholarly journals The Nuclear Power Renaissance in the Uk:Democratic Deficiencies within the ‘Consensus’ on Sustainability

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Johnstone
Keyword(s):  
Public Engagement ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Shared Vision ◽  
The Political ◽  
Planning Commission ◽  
Consultative Process ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Sustainable Futures ◽  
The Way

This paper focuses on New Labour's policy towards the nuclear renaissance. It places this policy in the context of wider discussions on the democratic implications of the new constellations of governance emerging from the drive towards more sustainable futures. The paper identifies two crucial developments within the nuclear renaissance: firstly, the controversy surrounding the consultative process in 2006 and 2007; and secondly, the creation of new ‘efficient’ and ‘streamlined’ planning procedures through the establishment of the Planning Act 2008 and The Infrastructure and Planning Commission (IPC). The article builds on work which seeks to bring together questions of ‘democracy’ and ‘the political’ within discussions on ‘sustainability’. It argues that an understanding of these moments can only be properly established through an analysis of the wider discursive frame of ‘sustainability’ in which nuclear has been reinvented, and the way it has been utilized as a strategic tool of governing. The apparent ‘consensus’ on sustainability appears to foreclose discussions on multiple and divergent political imaginaries into a single shared vision. This is symptomatic of the wider conditions of the post-political and the post-democratic, where debate is reduced to managerial and technocratic particularities in which, regardless of public engagement, nuclear power becomes an ‘inevitability’.

scholarly journals Gender clashes and faux pas. the political diaries of Ulla Lindström, Swedish minister in 1954-66

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. GP24-GP44
Author(s):  
Gunnel Karlsson
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Press ◽  
Hillary Rodham Clinton ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

Gender clashes and faux pasThe political diaries of Ulla Lindström, Swedish minister in 1954-66                                                                                                             The political diaries of Ulla Lindström caused a great sensation when published in 1969, three years after her resignation as Swedish minister without portfolio. She was the only woman minister in the Swedish government from 1954 to 1966, and her career had, according to the press, been characterized by faux pas or, as one reviewer of her diaries wrote: “(t)he silly Ulla /…/ of the botches, bodges, and gaffes.” He added that he himself had helped to write her down “with both malice and recklessness.” He was, however, not the only journalist putting down Ulla Lindström. A particular discourse or way of describing Ulla Lindström’s political persona was developed in the Swedish press during Lindström’s ministerial career. She started as the good-looking “pin-up girl” of the Parliament and ended up as the “shrew” of the party, the faux pas queen who was too talkative and thus in need of a muzzle. She was constructed as deviant, both as a woman and as a politician.In her political diaries Ulla Lindström herself compared the way she and her male colleagues were portrayed in the press. In my paper I will compare Lindström’s own political persona with the persona created in the press asking what was behind the creation of the “faux pas queen”. Genuskrockar och fadäser.Statsrådet Ulla Lindströms politiska dagböcker Såsom åtskillig forskning visat har det varit svårt för politiskt aktiva kvinnor att förena de motstridiga krav som ställts på dem som handlingskraftiga politiker och ”riktiga” kvinnor. Inom massmedieforskning används ofta ordet persona för att beskriva den personlighet som en politiker iscensätter på den offentliga arenan, en politisk persona. Problemet för politiker är att det i massmedia ofta skapas en annan persona än den som politikern själv iscensätter, så beskriver t ex en forskare hur en ”false persona” av Hillary Rodham Clinton skapades under den så kallade Whitewateraffären (Cit efter van Zoonen 2005:100).      Pressens bild av Ulla Lindström som ett pratigt och beskäftigt statsråd, vars karriär präglades av grodor, fadäser och klavertramp, kan ses som ett sätt att ”skapa” en politisk persona och med den en diskurs; ett specifikt sätt att tala och skriva om regeringens enda kvinnliga minister åren 1954-66. När Ulla Lindström efter sin avgång 1966 publicerade de politiska dagböcker hon fört under sin statsrådstid var ett av hennes motiv sannolikt att hon ville ge sin version, dvs skapa sin egen politiska persona som motvikt mot den bild som skapats av henne i pressen.  I mitt bidrag skall jag ge exempel på hur Ulla Lindström skapades som politisk persona och hur hon själv såg på eller tolkade den bild som gavs av henne.

The Manner in which I went to Worship Mañjuśrī’s Realm, The Five-Peaked Mountain (Wutai), by Sumba Kanbo (1704–1788)

Inner Asia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brenton Sullivan
Keyword(s):  
Tibetan Plateau ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Tibetan Plateau ◽  
The Road ◽  
Mount Wutai ◽  
The Creation ◽  
On The Road ◽  
Sacred Mountain ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Way

Abstract This essay provides a translation of the travelogue of the eminent Oirat Buddhist lama Sumba Kanbo Yeshe Baljor (1704–1788) as he made his way to the sacred Mount Wutai. Among the many details this candid account reveals is the fact that Buddhists from the Tibetan Plateau did not travel to the sacred mountain of Wutai in China for the sake of pilgrimage, but in order to foster established relationships with Mongol patrons along the way. Sumba Kanbo spent seven months on the road in 1774 en route to Wutai (compared with only one month at the mountain itself), and during that time he was received by Mongol nobility for whom, in exchange, he contributed to the creation of ‘surrogate’ pilgrimage sites in Mongolia and more generally to the ‘Buddicisation’ of Mongolia. Sumba Kanbo’s account provides a unique window into the emergence of Buddhism in Mongolia and the manner in which this phenomenon depended upon both the political and religious bonds formed between lamas such as Sumba Kanbo and Mongol nobility, commoners and landscape that these lamas encountered on their peregrinations.

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