scholarly journals ‘Bound hand and foot and handed over to the caste Hindus’: Ambedkar, untouchability and the politics of Partition

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús Francisco Cháirez-Garza

This article examines B. R. Ambedkar’s dramatically shifting politics in the years prior to Partition. In 1940, he supported the creation of Pakistan. In 1946, he joined Winston Churchill in his demands to delay independence. Yet, in 1947, Ambedkar rejected Pakistan and joined the Nehru administration. Traditional narratives explain these changes as part of Ambedkar’s political pragmatism. It is believed that such pragmatism, along with Gandhi’s good faith, helped Ambedkar to secure a place in Nehru’s Cabinet. In contrast, I argue that Ambedkar changed his attitude towards Congress due to the political transformations elicited by Partition. Ambedkar approached Congress as a last resort to maintain a political space for Dalits in independent India. This, however, was unsuccessful. Partition not only saw the birth of two countries but also virtually eliminated the histories of resistance of political minorities that did not fall under the Hindu–Muslim binary, such as Dalits. In the case of Ambedkar, his past as a critic of Gandhi and Congress was erased in favour of the more palatable image of him as the father of the constitution. This essay reconfigures our understanding of Partition by showing how the promise of Pakistan shaped the way we remember Ambedkar.

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christiane Lemke ◽  
Amalia Sdroulia

Since the creation of the theater, the theater stage has been closely connected to the political. Can theater play also pave the way for integration? In this book, amateur actors from different language and cultural backgrounds develop a play based on their own experiences with flight, alienation and starting new. The authors present suggestions for the instructional processing of self-written texts, exercises for testing different forms of expressions of the body as well as practical tips for the stage performance. Interviews with participating migrants, refugees and German students about their experiences with theater and integration in their daily lives complete the text.


Lentera Hukum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Muhammad Busyrol Fuad

The rise of national agraria conflicts that occurred seem to have been in the point is quite worrisome. Because he has a slice of various forms of human rights dimensionless violations. Various discourses in the effort to resolve the conflict continue. The discourse on the creation of a special court of land seems to have begun to gain a lot of attention. The reason, he is present in the situation of national agraria conflict that never ends, besides the passage of this discourse is full of momentum, which coincides with the draft Land Law Bill which is now entered the political space of legislation in parliament. A special court of land will certainly be a topic of discussion is quite fierce considering the issue will reach the settlement areas of national agraria cases that include land tenure by the plantation company (onderneming), PT. Perkebunan Nasional (PTPN), to the control of land by the military. This paper would like to discuss that the establishment of a special land court in the draft national land law is a necessity in solving a just national agrarian conflict. Keyword: Agraria Conflict, Violations of Human Rights, Special Court of Land


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark B. Salter

This article examines the micropolitics of the border by tracing the interface between government and individual body. In the first act of confession before the vanguard of governmental machinery, the border examination is crucial to both the operation of the global mobility regime and of sovereign power. The visa and passport systems are tickets that allow temporary and permanent membership in the community, and the border represents the limit of the community. The nascent global mobility regime through passport, visa, and frontier formalities manage an international population through and within a biopolitical frame and a confessionary complex that creates bodies that understand themselves to be international. The author charts the way that an international biopolitical order is constructed through the creation, classification, and contention of a surveillance regime and an international political technology of the individual that is driven by the globalization of a documentary, biometric, and confessionary regime. The global visa regime and international borders are crucial in constructing both international mobile populations and international mobile individuals.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine the political development of Iraq from the inception of the state in 1921 to the post-2003 years of political and societal turmoil. Its premise is that from the very beginning of the state the Iraqi project in fact devolved into three undertakings: the consolidation of the state and its governing institutions, the legitimization of the state through the framing of democratic structures, and the creation of an overarching, and thus unifying, national identity. The book is different from other studies of Iraq's political history, in that it traces the development of each of the three projects of governance, democracy, and national identity separately, while at the same time highlighting the way they impacted and shaped one another. The remainder of the chapter discusses the roots of the predicament of post-2003 Iraq.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Victor Oijagbe Ogbeide

This paper is a comparative study of incarceration in two African novels. The concept of the modern prison as a form of deterrence and rehabilitation can be traced to 18th century Europe. With the passage of time however, many authoritarian leaders have come to regard prison houses as veritable places to forcibly confine their political opponents in their bid to desperately remove them from the socio-political space. Apart from a few criminals in the two novels many of the prisoners are prisoners of conscience. Ironically, as observed in the two works, while the unforgiving circumstance in the prison and the brutality of the prison guards have conspired to deepen the depravity of the criminal elements in the prison, the political prisoners have become even tougher in their conviction to fight the evil regimes that confine them there. The paper contends that rehabilitation and deterrence can hardly take place for the genuine criminals in the two novels because these items  seem to have vanished from the administrative guidelines of the prison officials. The way forward therefore, the paper concludes, lies in good governance which will not only prevent the need for political repression or imprisonment but also see prison as a genuine instrument of reform.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Johnstone

This paper focuses on New Labour's policy towards the nuclear renaissance. It places this policy in the context of wider discussions on the democratic implications of the new constellations of governance emerging from the drive towards more sustainable futures. The paper identifies two crucial developments within the nuclear renaissance: firstly, the controversy surrounding the consultative process in 2006 and 2007; and secondly, the creation of new ‘efficient’ and ‘streamlined’ planning procedures through the establishment of the Planning Act 2008 and The Infrastructure and Planning Commission (IPC). The article builds on work which seeks to bring together questions of ‘democracy’ and ‘the political’ within discussions on ‘sustainability’. It argues that an understanding of these moments can only be properly established through an analysis of the wider discursive frame of ‘sustainability’ in which nuclear has been reinvented, and the way it has been utilized as a strategic tool of governing. The apparent ‘consensus’ on sustainability appears to foreclose discussions on multiple and divergent political imaginaries into a single shared vision. This is symptomatic of the wider conditions of the post-political and the post-democratic, where debate is reduced to managerial and technocratic particularities in which, regardless of public engagement, nuclear power becomes an ‘inevitability’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabrielle Hecht

How can we incorporate humanist critiques of the Anthropocene while harnessing the notion’s potential for challenging political imagination? Placing the Anthropocene offers one way forward; the notion of an African Anthropocene offers a productive paradox that holds planetary temporality and specific human lives in a single frame. Navigating the Anthropocene from Africa requires attending to scale both as an analytic and an actor category. In order to do so, this essay proposes the notion of interscalar vehicles: objects and modes of analysis that permit scholars and their subjects to move simultaneously through deep time and human time, through geological space and political space. This essay discusses the creation and destruction of value/waste and pasts/futures around a uranium mine in Mounana, Gabon, to unpack the political, ethical, epistemological, and affective dimensions of interscalar vehicles and their violent Anthropocenic implications.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-164
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Smyk

The legislative mechanism of the Russian Empire and related to it types and hierarchy of the sources of law has always been, and continues to be, a controversial issue, giving rise to numerous polemics. This is because the very essence of the autocratic rule in the Russian Empire makes it impossible to accurately distinguish between the legislative and the executive powers. The lack of transparency of the hierarchy of sources of law also means that every attempt the Russian theorists of state and administrative law make to identify and clarify those sources is always deemed to fail. The political transformations of 1906 did not bring any change to the existing system either as no compromise was ever possible in an autocracy in which, despite appearances of legality, the predominant drive was to ensure the integrity of the absolute power of the tsar. The characteristic feature of the legislation in the Russian Empire was its complexity and lack of clarity both with regards to the types and forms of the law sources and the way in which laws were made. As a result, in the all-powerful bureaucratic system of the Russian Empire, laws could be breached, violated or bent with impunity and without observance of any acceptable procedure, merely at the discretion of the sovereign.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. GP24-GP44
Author(s):  
Gunnel Karlsson

Gender clashes and faux pasThe political diaries of Ulla Lindström, Swedish minister in 1954-66                                                                                                             The political diaries of Ulla Lindström caused a great sensation when published in 1969, three years after her resignation as Swedish minister without portfolio. She was the only woman minister in the Swedish government from 1954 to 1966, and her career had, according to the press, been characterized by faux pas or, as one reviewer of her diaries wrote: “(t)he silly Ulla /…/ of the botches, bodges, and gaffes.” He added that he himself had helped to write her down “with both malice and recklessness.” He was, however, not the only journalist putting down Ulla Lindström. A particular discourse or way of describing Ulla Lindström’s political persona was developed in the Swedish press during Lindström’s ministerial career. She started as the good-looking “pin-up girl” of the Parliament and ended up as the “shrew” of the party, the faux pas queen who was too talkative and thus in need of a muzzle. She was constructed as deviant, both as a woman and as a politician.In her political diaries Ulla Lindström herself compared the way she and her male colleagues were portrayed in the press. In my paper I will compare Lindström’s own political persona with the persona created in the press asking what was behind the creation of the “faux pas queen”. Genuskrockar och fadäser.Statsrådet Ulla Lindströms politiska dagböcker Såsom åtskillig forskning visat har det varit svårt för politiskt aktiva kvinnor att förena de motstridiga krav som ställts på dem som handlingskraftiga politiker och ”riktiga” kvinnor. Inom massmedieforskning används ofta ordet persona för att beskriva den personlighet som en politiker iscensätter på den offentliga arenan, en politisk persona. Problemet för politiker är att det i massmedia ofta skapas en annan persona än den som politikern själv iscensätter, så beskriver t ex en forskare hur en ”false persona” av Hillary Rodham Clinton skapades under den så kallade Whitewateraffären (Cit efter van Zoonen 2005:100).      Pressens bild av Ulla Lindström som ett pratigt och beskäftigt statsråd, vars karriär präglades av grodor, fadäser och klavertramp, kan ses som ett sätt att ”skapa” en politisk persona och med den en diskurs; ett specifikt sätt att tala och skriva om regeringens enda kvinnliga minister åren 1954-66. När Ulla Lindström efter sin avgång 1966 publicerade de politiska dagböcker hon fört under sin statsrådstid var ett av hennes motiv sannolikt att hon ville ge sin version, dvs skapa sin egen politiska persona som motvikt mot den bild som skapats av henne i pressen.  I mitt bidrag skall jag ge exempel på hur Ulla Lindström skapades som politisk persona och hur hon själv såg på eller tolkade den bild som gavs av henne.


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