Control and Support: Research on Two Independent Relationships between State and Society: The State of Chinese Rural Society

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-134
Author(s):  
Tao Chuanjin

Abstract This paper uses theoretical analysis and substantial evidence to show that aside from the relationship of power control (权利控制) existing between state and society, there exists also assistance and support provided to society through the state’s use of public power. Moreover, this supportive relationship creates an independent dimension of interaction between state and society that cannot be simplified to the dimension of power control, a condition which we here deem the “dual-axis” relationship between state and society. The “dual-axis” relationship is opposed to the single-axis relationship espoused in traditional theories of civil society. The latter emphasize a zero-sum relationship of strength and weakness between state and society. The dual-axis relationship is not equivalent to simply proposing that there can be a constructive relationship between state and society, but rather emphasizes the structure comprised by these two relationships, and says that support can be independent of control and exhibit an effect all its own.

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Grabowski

The policies followed by patrimonial states generally involve playing one group against another and are inimical to long-run growth. Social cohesion or closure among rural groups (tenants, part-owners, etc.) provides a mechanism by which the governing elite are likely to find increased opportunities to behave in a developmental way. More strongly, this rural cohesion or closure often compels them to behave in a developmental manner. Such closure is most likely to result from broad based rural development resulting in the creation of extensive social networks via the operation of intermediaries. The prewar experiences of Japan and Korea with land reform are used to illustrate the argument.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-402
Author(s):  
ANDREW MCKENZIE-MCHARG

AbstractIn 1789 in Leipzig, a slim pamphlet of 128 pages appeared that sent shock waves through the German republic of letters. The pamphlet, bearing the title Mehr Noten als Text (More notes than text), was an ‘exposure’ whose most sensational element was a list naming numerous members of the North German intelligentsia as initiates of a secret society. This secret society, known as the German Union, aimed to push back against anti-Enlightenment tendencies most obviously manifest in the policies promulgated under the new Prussian king Frederick William II. The German Union was the brainchild of the notorious theologian Carl Friedrich Bahrdt (1741–92). But who was responsible for the ‘exposure’? Using material culled from several archives, this article pieces together for the first time the back story to Mehr Noten als Text and in doing so uncovers a surprisingly heterogeneous network of Freemasons, publishers, and state officials. The findings prompt us to reconsider general questions about the relationship of state and society in the late Enlightenment, the interplay of the public and the arcane spheres and the status of religious heterodoxy at this time.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Wendy Z. Goldman ◽  
Donald Filtzer

On June 22, 1941, the Nazis launched Operation Barbarossa with the mightiest military force ever concentrated in a single theater of war. They occupied large swathes of Soviet territory; surrounded Leningrad in the longest siege in modern history; and reached the outskirts of Moscow. Soviet leaders adopted a policy of total war in which every resource, including labor, was mobilized for war production. The civilian toll was great. The Soviet Union lost more people, in absolute numbers and as a percentage of its population, than any other combatant nation: an estimated 26 million to 27 million people. Almost every Soviet family was affected in some terrible way. This book is the first archivally based history of the home front to explore the relationship of state and society from invasion to liberation. Focusing on the cities and industrial towns, it shows how ordinary citizens, mobilized for “total war,” became central to the Allied victory.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 246-247
Author(s):  
Tianjian Shi

Tong addresses one of the most important issues in compar- ative politics: What are the key factors that determine the courses and outcomes of transitions from state socialism? The book makes three contributions to this field of study. First, it reminds us that the relationship between state and society with regard to either power or objectives may not be zero-sum, as widely accepted by students of politics. The author argues that state and society may share a wide range of objectives, laying the groundwork for a cooperative rela- tionship. This helps explain why the regime and a society may compromise in the transition process.


1985 ◽  
Vol 103 ◽  
pp. 414-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth J. Perry

Have state policies under socialism radically and irrevocably transformed the Chinese countryside? Or do traditional attitudes and behaviour persist, fuelled by rural social structures that remain tenaciously vigorousdespitenew socialist imperatives? These questions have shaped much of the inquiry and debate on contemporary China over the past few decades. More recently, however, another promising line of argument has gained some currency. This approach does not pose the relationship between state control and traditional social structure as a “zero-sum conflict” in which the ascendancy of one is necessarily a loss for the other. Rather, it sees state and society as interacting in a more complex manner; a manner which is not always conflictual, and sometimes even quite complementary. By this view, certain policies of the Chinese state have contributed (albeit often unwittingly) to the survival and strengthening of traditional patterns of activity.


2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 1057-1092
Author(s):  
Shannon Kathleen O’Byrne

In this article, the author challenges the tendency in common law Canada to conflate the distinction between State and society. Following the analysis of Kenneth Dyson, the author contends that the State occupies a distinct sphere produced by or contained in the interconstitutive relationship of State institution, on the one hand, and State idea, on the other. The State concept is presented as neither merely active nor merely passive but as involving a relationship between action and reflection, between institution and idea. The author then analyses the broadly shared public values which are contained in the Canadian State idea when viewedfrom a liberal political perspective. That these values incrementally modulate the exercise of public power — and vice versa — argues for a State-society distinction which is not generally emphasized in common law Canada.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 722-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jarosław Piotrowski ◽  
Joanna Różycka‐Tran ◽  
Tomasz Baran ◽  
Magdalena Żemojtel‐Piotrowska

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 293-307
Author(s):  
PAMELA KYLE CROSSLEY ◽  
GENE R. GARTHWAITE

AbstractIn the aftermath of the Mongol occupations of the largest and most populous societies of Eurasia, greater visibility of popular religion, more widespread vernacular language use, rising literacy, and fundamental shifts in the structure of rulership and the relationship of state and society could all be observed. Many historians have related these changes to a broader chronology of early modernity. This has been problematic in the case of Iran, whose eighteenth-century passage has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. Our comparative review of ‘post-Mongol’ Iran and China suggests that this period marks as meaningful a break between a schematic medieval and schematic early modern history in Iran as it does in China. Here, we first consider both societies in the post-Mongol period as empires with secular rulerships and increasingly popular cultural trends, and look at the role of what Crossley has called “simultaneous rulership”—rulership in which the codes of legitimacy of civilisations recognised by the conquest authority are given distinct representation in the rulership — in marking the transition away from religious-endorsed rule to self-legitimating rule as a mark of comparative early modernity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Rholand Muary

<div class="WordSection1"><p><em>This research discusses the latent conflict between Sikhs and Tamils in Medan. This study uses conflict theories with the approaches of latent conflict and the sources of conflict itself. </em><em>This research is intended to look at the hidden forms of conflict on the relationship of Sikhs with Tamil as well as written attempts to conflict between the two.</em><em> This research uses qualitative research methods, where researchers directly observe the community and try to analyze every subjective and objective experience in sociology of religion approach. Informants in this research are religious leaders and community of Sikh and Tamil. The results of this study reveal that there are latent conflict between Sikh and Tamil community. Latent conflicts can be grouped in several aspects, among others, on religious-cultural aspects, political aspects as well as socio-economic aspects. In the handling of latent conflicts between both religion, it is necessary for the state and society to pay attention so the conflict not to extend to open conflict.</em></p><p><em> </em></p></div><em><br clear="all" /></em>


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