scholarly journals On ‘Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism’ by M. Hakan Yavuz

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-45

Summary Four international scholars have individually reflected critically on M. Hakan Yavuz’s new book Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism. The book recognizes nostalgia as a major variable in articulating and analyzing the current spectrum of Turkish politics by exploring neo-Ottomanism which has, in many respects, become an instrumental frontal display for Islam and Islamism.

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


Author(s):  
Fatih Resul Kılınç ◽  
Şule Toktaş

This article addresses the international movement of asylum seekers and refugees, particularly Syrian immigrants, and their impact on populism in Turkish politics between 2011 and 2018. The article argues that populist politics/rhetoric directed against Syrians in Turkey remained limited during this period, especially from a comparative perspective. At a time when rising Islamophobia, extreme nationalism, and anti-immigrant sentiments led to rise of right-wing populism in Europe, populist platforms exploiting specifically migrants, asylum seekers, and the Syrians in Turkey failed to achieve a similar effect. The chapter identifies two reasons for this puzzling development even as the outbreak of the Syrian civil war triggered a mass influx of asylum seekers and irregular immigrants into Turkey. First, the article focuses on Turkey’s refugee deal with the EU in response to “Europe’s refugee crisis,” through which Turkey has extracted political and economic leverage. Next, the article sheds light on Turkey’s foreign policy making instruments that evolved around using the refugee situation as an instrument of soft power pursuant to its foreign policy identity. The article concludes with a discussion of the rise of anti-Syrian sentiments by 2019.


Author(s):  
Pedro Gardel ◽  
Daniel Morinigo-Sotelo ◽  
Oscar Duque-Perez ◽  
Marcelo Perez-Alonso ◽  
Luis A. Garcia-Escudero

2020 ◽  
pp. 000370282097751
Author(s):  
Xin Wang ◽  
Xia Chen

Many spectra have a polynomial-like baseline. Iterative polynomial fitting (IPF) is one of the most popular methods for baseline correction of these spectra. However, the baseline estimated by IPF may have substantially error when the spectrum contains significantly strong peaks or have strong peaks located at the endpoints. First, IPF uses temporary baseline estimated from the current spectrum to identify peak data points. If the current spectrum contains strong peaks, then the temporary baseline substantially deviates from the true baseline. Some good baseline data points of the spectrum might be mistakenly identified as peak data points and are artificially re-assigned with a low value. Second, if a strong peak is located at the endpoint of the spectrum, then the endpoint region of the estimated baseline might have significant error due to overfitting. This study proposes a search algorithm-based baseline correction method (SA) that aims to compress sample the raw spectrum to a dataset with small number of data points and then convert the peak removal process into solving a search problem in artificial intelligence (AI) to minimize an objective function by deleting peak data points. First, the raw spectrum is smoothened out by the moving average method to reduce noise and then divided into dozens of unequally spaced sections on the basis of Chebyshev nodes. Finally, the minimal points of each section are collected to form a dataset for peak removal through search algorithm. SA selects the mean absolute error (MAE) as the objective function because of its sensitivity to overfitting and rapid calculation. The baseline correction performance of SA is compared with those of three baseline correction methods: Lieber and Mahadevan–Jansen method, adaptive iteratively reweighted penalized least squares method, and improved asymmetric least squares method. Simulated and real FTIR and Raman spectra with polynomial-like baselines are employed in the experiments. Results show that for these spectra, the baseline estimated by SA has fewer error than those by the three other methods.


Author(s):  
Olivier Paccoud ◽  
◽  
Nizar Mahlaoui ◽  
Despina Moshous ◽  
Claire Aguilar ◽  
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Keyword(s):  

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 528-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeynep Taydas ◽  
Yasemin Akbaba ◽  
Minion K. C. Morrison

AbstractReligious movements have long been challenging the modernist and secularist ideas around the world. Within the last decade or so, pro-religious parties made significant electoral advances in various countries, including India, Sudan, Algeria, and the Palestinian territories. In this article, we focus on the rise of the pro-religious Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- AKP) to power in the 2002 elections in Turkey. Using the Turkish experience with political Islam, we evaluate the explanatory value of Mark Juergensmeyer's rise of religious nationalism theory, with a special emphasis on the “failed secularism” argument. Our analysis indicates that the theoretical approach formulated by Juergensmeyer has a great deal of explanatory power; however, it does not provide a complete explanation for the success of the AKP. The rise of religion in Turkish politics is the result of a complex process over long years of encounter and confrontation between two frameworks of order, starting with the sudden imposition of secularism from above, when the republic was established. Hence, to understand the rise of religion in contemporary Turkish politics, an in-depth understanding of history, politics, and the sources of tension between secularists and Islamists is essential. The findings of this article have important implications for other countries, especially those that are experiencing a resurgence of religion in politics, and are struggling to integrate religious parties into a democratic system.


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