Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This chapter provides an outline of the change that took place in Turkey between 2007 and 2011, signalling a historic shift in the use of power in the country, long controlled by a staunch and virtually autonomous bureaucracy, both military and civilian, and known as ‘the state’, in the face of the chronically fragile democratic politics, forming ‘the government’. The time-honoured identity politics of the very bureaucracy, centred on ‘Westernisation’ as a policy incentive, was deftly appropriated by the ruling AKP via newly tightened links with the European Union to transform the settled centre-periphery relations often considered to be pivotal to Turkish politics, and reconfigure access to power. The chapter details the gradual fall of the bureaucracy—that is, the military, the higher education, and the system of high courts—and recounts the basic developments in foreign policy and on the domestic scene during and immediately after the change.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-132
Author(s):  
Mukhlis Rahmanto ◽  
Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo ◽  
Rozikan .

Purpose of the study:This article aims to examine critically the roles of Muhammadiyah as one of the largest Islamic civil organizations in Indonesia in interpreting and praticing Islamic normative values, especially with regard to the empowerment of civil society after the fall of President Suharto’s New Order political regime in 1998. Methodology:This study applies qualitative approach and descriptive analysis that aims to critically describe the roles of Muhammdiyah through its department of Majelis Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (abbreviated as: MPM) in interpreting and practicing Islamic values in the relation of civil society empowerment in the post Soeharto’s New Order regime era. Data is gathered from observation, interview with the MPM leaders, and document analysis. Other previous studies which are also included as the main sources of the study are conducted by Prijono (1996) and Harmsen (2008). Main Findings and Novelty:The analysis produces some important findings: first, some of normative doctrines of Islam on the issue of society empowerment are reinterpreted. The resulted interpretation is different from classical interpretation and interpretive experiences in other Muslim world. The new interpretation focuses on Sūrah al-Māʿūn of the Qur’an (and some other related verses) and uses such interpretation as a theological ground and spirit for implementing societal empowerment visions and works. Second, the empowerment roles of Muhammadiyah through the Council (i.e. MPM) affirms the theory of civil society in Indonesia, which becomes a strategic partner of the government, whose development program fails engender social welfare and prosperity. Applications of this study: This study can be useful formanyinterdiscipliner area such civil society, civil empowerment, sociology, and Islamic Studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Maria I. Makhmutova ◽  

This article is devoted to the study of domestic political development of Mauritania during the ten years President Mohammed Ould Abdel Aziz’s reign (2009–2019). The author focuses on the main challenges to the regime supported by the military junta, as well as on the key reasons for its preservation, despite the presence of sharp contradictions within the state. The army, entrenched in power structures, had to face such problems as terrorism from Al-Qaeda, the Arab spring, and the assassination attempt on the president. At the same time, the country’s authorities were able to address these problems through a tough fight against extremism. One cannot fail to note the introduction of the practice of expanding the circle of parties loyal to the president and the national dialogue with the opposition, which not only contributed to the legitimization of Abdel Aziz’s personality, but also continued his political activity. This occurred while most regimes in the Arab East either fell or were faced with lengthy civil wars. In addition, the author notes that the elections and referendum, as elements of democracy, have been used more than once by Abdel Aziz to advance his interests, despite protests and criticism from opposition parties. In fact, in 2017, the country’s leadership was able to rewrite the constitution for itself and subjugate the legislative and judicial branches of the government. It is worth stating that Abdel Aziz became the first head of state who, in the entire modern history of Mauritania, was able to ensure a peaceful transfer of power after the end of the second presidential term. This decision did not force citizens to experience another coup d’état and political instability. In general, the author comes to the conclusion that the rule of Abdel Aziz had two main features: the desire to retain all the levers of power and, if political instability is brewing, to initiate negotiations with the opposition. These contradictions were not resolved, and the pendulum constantly swung depending on the domestic political background in the country.


The violent and sudden overthrow of governments has caught the attention of many scholars from various disciplines and placed the incidence of coups at the center of such studies. The result is the emergence of a rich literature that has used a multitude of methods and factors to explain the incidence of coups and control of the military. Although the interest in the incidence of coups and coup-proofing has waxed and waned depending on the waves of democratization and occurrence of the coups, the literature continues to evolve as the recent scholarship has introduced different variables to understand coups. Parallel with coup research, scholars also have started to look into the other ways that a military interferes in politics as well as the impact of coups on other issues, such as democratization and military effectiveness. A military can interfere in politics in subtle ways, which can be within the bounds of the legal order of the state. What is more, even if the military engages in direct disobedience, such as mutinies, these acts do not necessarily turn into an attempt to overthrow the government. Thus military mutinies have started to draw attention. Especially the impact of loyalty and disobedience of militaries on the success and failure of civil unrest has become an important research area following the Arab Spring, and the effects of past coups, the threat of coups, and coup-proofing on other issues, such as democratization and military effectiveness, have become another research avenue within the literature. This literature focuses on how coups and coup-proofing have an overarching effect on the militaries and the political structure of states. The fear of coups can shape the democratization path and the choices that decision makers have. It has a direct impact on military policies, which can end up decreasing military effectiveness. Therefore, this article mainly focuses on the recent scholarship to present the most recent debates in the field. To this end, in the first section, the article presents a list of articles that present a general overview of the field and how the debates have changed over the years. In the second section, we will focus on the various ways that a military interferes with politics and debates on Controlling the Military. The third section delves into the causes of coups and presents a wide range of factors and approaches in understanding coups. The fourth section focuses on the overlooked aspect of military behavior: mutinies and rebellions. The fifth section brings all the previous sections together and investigates the impact of coups and rebellions on Democratization and Military Effectiveness. The final section provides an overview of the Datasets on coups and military participation in politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 204
Author(s):  
Ronal Ridho'i

Massive industrialization causes various pollutions (water, air, land and noise). Until early 2000s, facts proved that the environmental condition of Sidoarjo getting worse because of the high level of pollution in this area. This paper aims to explain industrial pollution, regulation of pollution and the debate of pollution cases in Sidoarjo since 1975-2006. Author uses an environmental history approach to analize this phenomenon, and peruses archival sources, newspapers, magazines and interview. This research finds out that industrial pollutions in Sidoarjo still continuously happen until today. Meanwhile, the govenrment regulations were not effectively decrease industrial pollutions because of collusion practice between industrialists and local government, and even with the military personnel particularly during the New Order. This paper proves that the government regulations and law enforcement about the environment were not resolving the pollution problems in Sidoarjo.


Author(s):  
Intan Kumalasari ◽  
Darliana Sormin ◽  
Muhammad Irsan Barus

Post-1998 is the spread of spiritualism discourse. The emergence of celebrity ‘ulama’ in Islamic expression of contemporary Indonesian treasury is one example of how popular culture with a set of ideologies taking advantage of the rise of Islam. Television became an agent of a culture to the people with his ability as a link between one culture with another culture. Televisions have unpacked the real with the imaginary. With television all things can be esthetizatied, the sacred and the profane into somersaults. Television media such strength finally gave birth to a new religious authority, called celebrities ‘ulama’. Factors caused by the emergence of celebrity ‘’ulama’ are sociological, which characterized by many people who prefer to watch the celebrity ‘ulama’ than watching Conventional Ulama. Then supported by sophisticated Tecnology Science, the stage, and commodification. This shows that Islam has been negotiating with the market and subsequently published widely in the public sphere as a form of freedom of expression in the new order in which the strength of the potential of Islam to be appreciated by the government. This can be described as a form of commodification of religion in the sense of religious values ​​commercialized for profit.


Author(s):  
Carool Kersten

The history of postcolonial Indonesia can therefore be divided into three periods, dominated by different regimes with its own characteristics, during which Islamisation process has continued to evolve. The Sukarno presidency (1945-1965) marks the first period, during which Mayumi established itself as the main Islamic political party. It began with decade of continuing nation building when the young republic was first engaged in armed conflict with the Dutch; experimented with liberal democracy; but then shifted toward ‘Guided Democracy’ and the disbanding of Masyumi. During the same twenty-year period, the unity of Indonesia was also challenged by the Islamist Darul Islam movement. A military coup in 1965 heralded the beginning of the military New Order Regime of General Suharto (1965-1998). Political Islam was kept control and occasionally manipulating it for its own purposes. From the 1970s onward, New Order did make some allowances for Muslim participation in governance, initiating further use of Islam for political purposes between 1983—1993. After the dramatic regime change in 1998, the democratisation process that started in 1999 saw an unprecedented opening-up of the public sphere. This change in Indonesia’s political climate offered new opportunities for socio-political activism across the Islamic spectrum, but also presented a new set of challenges for the world’s largest Muslim nation state. Islamic mass organisations, newly formed political parties, NGOs, think tanks and other platforms began presenting a range of competing Islamic discourses.


Author(s):  
Simon A. Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan

This chapter highlights how, in many respects, the military (MGK) was the author of its own decline, a result of infighting and internal and external plots and intrigue. By the AKP’s second term, tensions arose within the military’s lower officer ranks about how to deal with what they considered to be the AKP’s challenge to the secular nature of the state. This created disarray within the ranks while at the same time spurious conspiracies to overthrow the government emerged, leading to a purge within the military’s officer class. By the time the AKP entered its third term in office, the military was a spent force in Turkish politics ushering in a new era in the political and cultural dynamics of the country.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayu Dipta Kirana ◽  
◽  
Fajar Aji Jiwandono ◽  

Indonesia marked a new era, known as the Reformation Era, in 1998 after the downfall of Suharto, the main face of the regime called the New Order (Orde Baru) and ran the government from 1966 to 1998. This long-run government creates certain structures in many sectors, including the museum sector in Indonesia. Suharto leads the government in a totalitarian manner, his power control over many layers, including the use of museums as regime propaganda tools. The propaganda in the museums such as a standardized storyline, the use of historical versions that are approved by the government, and the representation of violence through the military tale with the nation’s great enemy is made for the majority of museums from the west to east Indonesia at that time. Thus, after almost two-decade after the downfall of the New Order regime how Indonesian museum transform into this new era? In the new democratic era, museum management is brought back to the regional government. The museums are encouraged to writing the local history and deconstruct the storyline from the previous regime. Not only just stop there, but there are alsomany new museums open to the public with new concepts or storylines to revive the audience. Even, the new museum was also erected by the late president’s family to rewrite the narration of the hero story of Suharto in Yogyakarta. This article aims to look up the change in the Indonesian museum post-New Order regime. How they adjust curatorial narration to present the storyline, is there any change to re-write the new narrative, or they actually still represent the New-Order idea along with the violence symbolic that never will deconstruct. Indonesia menandai masa baru yang dikenal sebagai masa reformasi pada tahun 1998 dengan tumbangnya Soeharto yang menjadi wajah utama rezim yang dikenal dengan sebutan Orde Baru ini. Pemerintahan Orde Baru telah berlangsung sejak tahun 1966 hingga 1998 yang mengubah banyak tatanan kehidupan, termasuk sektor permuseum di Indonesia. Corak pemerintahan Orde Baru yang condong pada kontrol dan totalitarian mengantarkan museum sebagai kendaraan propaganda rezim Soeharto. Dimulai dari narasi storyline yang seragam di seluruh museum negeri di Indonesia hingga kekerasan simbolik lewat narasi militer dan musuh besar bangsa. Lalu setelah hampir dua dekade era reformasi di Indonesia bagaimana perubahan museum di Indonesia? Pada era demokrasi yang lebih terbuka, pengelolaan museum dikembalikan kepada pemerintah daerah dan diharapkan untuk dapat menulis kembali sejarah lokal yang baru. Tak berhenti disitu, banyak museum-museum baru yang tumbuh berdiri memberikan kesegaran baru namun juga muncul museum yang berbau rezim Orde Baru turut didirikan sebagai upaya menuliskan narasi.


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