"El Elusive Entendimiento entre América Latina y Los Estados Unidos" [The Elusive Understanding between Latin America and the United States]

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
America Latina

Brazil and ‘Latin America’

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
LESLIE BETHELL
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
History Of ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
First Time

AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.

scholarly journals REMITTANCES, MIGRATION, AND POVERTY. A STUDY FOR MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (318) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Roy Nuñez ◽  
María Isabel Osorio-Caballero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Census Bureau ◽  
Destination Country ◽  
The Poor ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Poor Population

<p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>In the last two decades, remittances have acquired great importance as a source of external income for various developing economies. In the particular case of Latin America, the United States represents the most important destination, with 62.1 million Latinos living there according to U.S. Census Bureau. This paper analyses the effect that migration and remittances have on poverty in Mexico and Central America. The results show that a 10% increase in migration to the United States (as a percentage of the population in the destination country) translates into an 8.6% reduction in the population living on less than US$ 1.90 a day, while the poverty gap is reduced by 12.8%. With regard to remittances, a reduction of 6.7% is observed in the poor population and 10% in relation to the poverty gap.</p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">REMESAS, MIGRACIÓN Y POBREZA. UN ESTUDIO PARA MÉXICO Y CENTROAMÉRICA</p><p align="center"><strong>RESUMEN</strong></p><p>Recientemente, las remesas han adquirido gran importancia como fuente de ingresos externos de diversas economías en desarrollo. En el caso particular de América Latina, Estados Unidos representa el destino más importante, con 62.1 millones de latinos viviendo en ese país según el U.S. Census Bureau. El presente trabajo analiza el efecto que tienen la migración y el envío de remesas en la pobreza de México y Centroamérica. Los resultados muestran que un incremento del 10% en la migración hacia Estados Unidos (como porcentaje de la población en el país de destino) se traduce en una reducción de 8.6% de la población que vive con menos de US$ 1.90 al día; mientras que la brecha de pobreza se reduce en 12.8%. Con relación al envío de remesas, se observa una reducción de 6.7% en la población pobre y de 10% respecto a la brecha de pobreza.</p>

scholarly journals Ou ficar a pátria livre ou morrer pelo brasil: a ALN e sua natureza “anti-estadunidense”

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 272-297
Author(s):  
Carolina de Castro Palhares ◽  
Pedro Henrique de Moraes Cicero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Us Hegemony ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Cold War

Na segunda metade do século XX, no contexto da política de poder bipolar decorrente da Guerra Fria, a América Latina vivenciou o surgimento de ditaduras civil-militares as quais, em parte, estruturam-se com a finalidade de manter a hegemonia estadunidense na região. Como resposta armada aos regimes de exceção, grupos guerrilheiros foram fundados tanto para reverter o cenário político interno quanto para denunciar a subordinação daqueles regimes aos interesses econômicos e geopolíticos estadunidenses. Partindo dessa conjuntura e apoiado nos documentos originais que tratam do tema, o artigo analisa a maneira pela qual a Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) denunciou, interpretou e reagiu à participação dos Estados Unidos tanto no golpe de Estado de 1964 quanto na consolidação da ditadura brasileira.     Abstract: In the second half of the twentieth century, in the context of the bipolar power policy resulting from the Cold War, Latin America experienced the emergence of civil-military dictatorships which, in part, were structured with the purpose of maintaining US´ hegemony in the region. As an armed response to the regimes of exception, guerrilla groups were founded both to reverse the internal political scenario and to denounce the subordination of those regimes to US economic and geopolitical interests. Within this conjuncture and guided by the original documents that illustrate the theme, the article analyzes the way in which the Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) denounced, interpreted and reacted to the participation of the United States both in the 1964 coup d'état and in the maintenance of the Brazilian Dictatorship . Keywords: Inter-American Relations; Civic-Military Dictatorships; Armed Struggle; Ação Libertadora Nacional.     Recebido em: abril/2020. Aprovado em:  setembro/2020.

scholarly journals Chile en el mundo:

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel De la Fuente Ferreras
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
America Latina

En 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva comenzó el primer gobierno democratacristiano en América Latina. Este artículo analiza el protagonismo de las relaciones internacionales de Chile entre ese año, cuando comenzó la denominada “Revolución en Libertad”, y 1970, momento en el que el triunfo electoral de Salvador Allende truncó el proyecto de la Democracia Cristiana. Durante ese tiempo, el gobierno chileno de Eduardo Frei desplegó un intenso programa de relaciones exteriores con Estados Unidos, el resto de los países iberoamericanos y otros pertenecientes al bloque socialista, además de mantener una activa agenda europea. Todo ello, dentro del marco de las directrices políticas que determinaban su programa y del cambiante panorama internacional. In 1964, Eduardo Frei Montalva began the first Christian Democratic government in Latin America. This article analyzes the leading role in Chile´s international relations between that year, when the so-called “Revolution in Liberty” began, and 1970, when the electoral victory of Salvador Allende truncated the Christian Democracy project. During that time, the Chilean government of Eduardo Frei deployed an intense foreign relations program with the United States, the rest of the Ibero-American countries and others belonging to the socialist bloc, in addition to maintaining  an active European agenda. All this within the framework of the political guidelines that determined its program and the changing international panorama.

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