scholarly journals REMITTANCES, MIGRATION, AND POVERTY. A STUDY FOR MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA

2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (318) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Roy Nuñez ◽  
María Isabel Osorio-Caballero

<p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>In the last two decades, remittances have acquired great importance as a source of external income for various developing economies. In the particular case of Latin America, the United States represents the most important destination, with 62.1 million Latinos living there according to U.S. Census Bureau. This paper analyses the effect that migration and remittances have on poverty in Mexico and Central America. The results show that a 10% increase in migration to the United States (as a percentage of the population in the destination country) translates into an 8.6% reduction in the population living on less than US$ 1.90 a day, while the poverty gap is reduced by 12.8%. With regard to remittances, a reduction of 6.7% is observed in the poor population and 10% in relation to the poverty gap.</p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">REMESAS, MIGRACIÓN Y POBREZA. UN ESTUDIO PARA MÉXICO Y CENTROAMÉRICA</p><p align="center"><strong>RESUMEN</strong></p><p>Recientemente, las remesas han adquirido gran importancia como fuente de ingresos externos de diversas economías en desarrollo. En el caso particular de América Latina, Estados Unidos representa el destino más importante, con 62.1 millones de latinos viviendo en ese país según el U.S. Census Bureau. El presente trabajo analiza el efecto que tienen la migración y el envío de remesas en la pobreza de México y Centroamérica. Los resultados muestran que un incremento del 10% en la migración hacia Estados Unidos (como porcentaje de la población en el país de destino) se traduce en una reducción de 8.6% de la población que vive con menos de US$ 1.90 al día; mientras que la brecha de pobreza se reduce en 12.8%. Con relación al envío de remesas, se observa una reducción de 6.7% en la población pobre y de 10% respecto a la brecha de pobreza.</p>

Author(s):  
James Dunkerley

This chapter examines US foreign policy in Latin America and the historical evolution of US relations with the region. It first considers the Monroe Doctrine and manifest destiny, which sought to contain European expansion and to justify that of the United States under an ethos of hemispherism, before discussing the projection of US power beyond its frontiers in the early twentieth century. It then explores the United States’ adoption of a less unilateral approach during the depression of the 1930s and an aggressively ideological approach in the wake of the Cuban Revolution. It also analyzes US policy towards the left in Central America, where armed conflict prevailed in the 1980s, and in South America, where the Washington Consensus brought an end to the anti-European aspects of the Monroe Doctrine by promoting globalization. Finally, it looks at the impact of the Cold War on US policy towards Latin America.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Soares

This article discusses the Carter administration's policies toward Nicaragua and El Salvador after the Sandinistas took power in Nicaragua in July 1979. These policies were influenced by the widespread perception at the time that Marxist revolutionary forces were in the ascendance and the United States was in retreat. Jimmy Carter was trying to move away from traditional American “interventionism” in Latin America, but he was also motivated by strategic concerns about the perception of growing Soviet and Cuban strength, ideological concerns about the spread of Marxism-Leninism, and political-humanitarian concerns about Marxist-Leninist regimes' systematic violations of human rights.


Author(s):  
Brian Loveman

U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America in the 19th century initially focused on excluding or limiting the military and economic influence of European powers, territorial expansion, and encouraging American commerce. These objectives were expressed in the No Transfer Principle (1811) and the Monroe Doctrine (1823). American policy was unilateralist (not isolationist); it gradually became more aggressive and interventionist as the idea of Manifest Destiny contributed to wars and military conflicts against indigenous peoples, France, Britain, Spain, and Mexico in the Western Hemisphere. Expansionist sentiments and U.S. domestic politics inspired annexationist impulses and filibuster expeditions to Mexico, Cuba, and parts of Central America. Civil war in the United States put a temporary halt to interventionism and imperial dreams in Latin America. From the 1870s until the end of the century, U.S. policy intensified efforts to establish political and military hegemony in the Western Hemisphere, including periodic naval interventions in the Caribbean and Central America, reaching even to Brazil in the 1890s. By the end of the century Secretary of State Richard Olney added the Olney Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine (“Today the United States is practically sovereign on this continent and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition . . .”), and President Theodore Roosevelt contributed his own corollary in 1904 (“in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of wrongdoing or impotence, to exercise an international police power”). American policy toward Latin America, at the turn of the century, explicitly justified unilateral intervention, military occupation, and transformation of sovereign states into political and economic protectorates in order to defend U.S. economic interests and an expanding concept of national security.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
LESLIE BETHELL

AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Vasika Hananti ◽  
Bambang Subandrijo

Abstract: Harvey J. Sindima observed Liberation Theology as it flourished in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and the United States. The social situation in that society has some similarities in Luke's community. According to Philip Francis Esler's research, Luke's theology seeks to answer the social situation in Luke's community, especially regarding the relationship between the rich and the poor. This study aims to review Sindima's review of Liberation Theology based on Philip Francis Esler's thoughts on the relationship between rich and poor in Luke's Gospel. In Sindima's writings, the involvement of the rich has not been found as an effort to minimize the suffering of the poor. In this study, the author uses an analytical method. The result is that the good news for the poor in Liberation Theology is in line with the good news in Luke's Gospel. Moreover, in Luke's Gospel the liberation of the poor is not only the responsibility of the poor themselves as in the Theology of Liberation in Sindima's description, but also the responsibility of the rich as part of a sharing community.  Abstrak: Harvey J. Sindima mengamati Teologi Pembebasan yang berkembang di Amerika Latin, Afrika, Asia, dan Amerika Serikat. Situasi sosial dalam masyarakat tersebut memiliki beberapa kesamaan dalam komunitas Lukas. Menurut penelitian Philip Francis Esler, teologi Lukas berupaya menjawab situasi sosial dalam komunitas Lukas, terutama menyangkut hubungan orang kaya dan orang miskin. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meninjau uraian Sindima tentang Teologi Pembebasan berdasarkan pemikiran Philip Francis Esler berkenaan dengan hubungan orang miskin dan kaya dalam Injil Lukas. Dalam tulisan Sindima masih belum ditemukan keterlibatan orang kaya sebagai upaya meminimalisir penderitaan orang miskin. Dalam penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode analitis. Hasil tinjauan ini adalah bahwa kabar baik bagi orang miskin dalam Teologi Pembebasan sejalan dengan pemberitaan kabar baik dalam Injil Lukas. Lebih dari itu, dalam Injil Lukas pembebasan terhadap orang miskin bukan hanya menjadi tanggung jawab orang miskin itu sendiri sebagaimana dalam Teologi Pembebasan dalam uraian Sindima, tetapi juga merupakan tanggung jawab orang kaya sebagai bagian dari komunitas yang saling berbagi.


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