Foreign Policy and Foreign Intervention (1365–1366)

2017 ◽  
pp. 103-139
Author(s):  
Stephen M. Utych

Abstract When the United States intervenes in foreign countries, the lives of both foreign combatants and foreign civilians are put at risk. I examine two rhetorical strategies, the use of sanitized and dehumanizing language that can influence the public's support of foreign intervention. In the context of foreign policy, sanitized language operates by obscuring casualties of war, while dehumanizing language operates by devaluing the lives of groups of individuals. Drawing on data from two experiments, I find that sanitized language operates through creating less of an emotional reaction toward casualties of war, which causes individuals to adopt more hawkish foreign policy attitudes. I find that dehumanizing language also leads to more hawkish foreign policy attitudes, but, contrary to expectations, does not lead to increased disgust or anger toward dehumanized groups.


Author(s):  
Ehab NAAS

National security is one of the most important components of the state’s entity to preserve its role and position and ensure its progress. Therefore, it is noted that most countries of the world give priority to issues related to national security. On the other hand, it can be said that Libyan national security has not received sufficient attention at the practical and academic levels, and this may be due to more than reason; The political data were not aware of the importance of the matter intentionally or unintentionally, and with the succession of events and developments in Libya in recent years, the issue began to take serious dimensions affecting the Libyan national security in its broad sense at the core, which requires concerted official, informal and academic efforts to address and address this. Topic. Libya is going through conditions and events that are not appropriate for stability and national security cohesion. Indeed, Libya is now living in a vacuum and a national reality characterized by many indicators of disintegration, conflict and violence. This is evident in the criticism of citizens, but in phenomena and events that negatively affect the coherence of national security, and this situation will inevitably lead to Citizens' lack of confidence in their state, but rather to the dissolution and disintegration of the structure of society, and the transformation of this building into groups, tribes, or regions in conflict and even warring with weapons, and this conflict will increase the disintegration of national cohesion and create a national political vacuum that helps foreign intervention in the Libyan affairs under the pretext of helping to maintain security and stability. This intervention may conceal foreign interests and agendas, and lead the country to the unknown and all the possibilities and political and security scenes whose far-reaching goals Libyans are ignorant of. Therefore, everyone in Libya is walking on a road that they do not know its end, and this requires thinking, planning and action to preserve national security and increase the degree of cohesion of all its components, whether Be it tribes, groups, or political and ideological centers, all Libyans are in one boat sailing towards the shore of safety, and it may sink in a sea that does not know the end of its end, and in view of these considerations, we saw the need to address the problems and repel the greedy in the wealth of Libya, to preserve the Libyan national security and make recommendations to strengthen it And maintain it. With our knowledge of the broadening aspects of national security in its broadest sense, we can begin to root this issue by examining its foundations and the current challenges it faces. Keywords: National Security, Geopolitics, Strategy, Foreign Policy, Threats and Risks.


Author(s):  
Tony Smith Jr.

The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 108-119
Author(s):  
R. Joseph Huddleston

AbstractThis paper considers the implications of construal level theory in the context of survey experiments probing foreign policy opinion formation. Psychology research demonstrates that people discount the long-term consequences of decisions, thinking about distal or hypothetical events more abstractly than immediate scenarios. I argue that this tendency introduces a bias into survey experiments on foreign policy opinion. Respondents reasoning about an impending military engagement are likelier to consider its costs than are those reasoning in the abstract hypothetical environment. I provide evidence of this bias by replicating a common audience costs experimental design and introducing a prompt to consider casualties. I find that priming respondents to articulate their expectations about casualties in a foreign intervention reduces support and dampens the experimental effect, thereby cutting the estimated absolute audience cost substantially. This result suggests a gap between how survey respondents approach hypothetical and real situations of military intervention.


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
NORIHITO YAMADA

ABSTRACTHarold Temperley's The foreign policy of Canning, 1822–1827 (1925) has been widely acknowledged as the standard work on George Canning's foreign policy in 1822–7. Since its publication, historians have accepted its central theme: that the principal aim of Canning's foreign policy in 1822–7 was to destroy the post-1815 system of great-power concert in Europe. Temperley's book is remarkable for its consistency, and his account of Canning's policy with regard to the Spanish crisis of 1822–3 – that Canning's main concern was not to prevent foreign intervention in Spain, but to weaken the power and authority of the Concert of Europe by exploiting differences among the European allies over the question of Spain – is certainly consistent with its central theme. This article re-examines Canning's diplomacy on the Spanish question from the start of his second tenure in the foreign office to the French invasion of Spain, and contends that its reality fits neither Temperley's account of this particular subject nor his general thesis on Canning's foreign policy. A careful examination of Canning's early diplomacy indicates that its primary object was to prevent foreign military intervention in Spain, and that it was not influenced by a supposed dislike of great-power concert.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas K. Gvosdev ◽  
Jessica D. Blankshain ◽  
David A. Cooper

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document