Exorcising the Ghosts of the Past: From Civil Rights Murders to Confederate Monuments

2019 ◽  
pp. 68-80
Keyword(s):  
2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (GROUP) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Shamika Klassen ◽  
Sara Kingsley ◽  
Kalyn McCall ◽  
Joy Weinberg ◽  
Casey Fiesler

The Negro Motorist Green Book was a publication that offered resources for the Black traveler from 1936 to 1966. More than a directory of Black-friendly businesses, it also offered articles that provided insights for how best to travel safely, engagement with readers through contests and invitations for readers to share travel stories, and even civil rights advocacy. Today, a contemporary counterpart to the Green Book is Black Twitter, where people share information and advocate for their community. By conducting qualitative open coding on a subset of Green Book editions as well as tweets from Black Twitter, we explore similarities and overlapping characteristics such as safety, information sharing, and social justice. Where they diverge exposes how spaces like Black Twitter have evolved to accommodate the needs of people in the Black diaspora beyond the scope of physical travel and into digital spaces. Our research points to ways that the Black community has shifted from the physical to the digital space, expanding how it supports itself, and the potential for research to strengthen throughlines between the past and the present in order to better see the possibilities of the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Seth Kershner

Occupy Wall Street. Black Lives Matter. The #MeToo movement. Over the past decade, the United States has seen a surge in activism around civil rights, broadly defined as the right to be free from discrimination and unequal treatment in arenas such as housing, the workplace, and the criminal justice system. At times, as when activists are arrested at a protest, calls for civil rights can also be the occasion for violations of civil liberties—certain basic freedoms (e.g., freedom of speech) that are either enshrined in the Constitution or established through legal rulings. While civil rights are distinct from civil liberties, students often struggle to articulate these differences and appreciate the links between the two concepts. Complicating this distinction is the fact that historically reference materials have tended to cover either one or the other but not the two in combination. Combining these two concepts in one work is what makes a revised edition of the Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties so timely and valuable.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1129-1143
Author(s):  
Barbara Laubenthal ◽  
Daniel Schumacher

This article focuses on campaigns by former colonial soldiers from Nepal and Hong Kong and their struggles for British citizenship over the last three decades. When analysing these mobilizations, we combine approaches from social movement research with insights from cultural memory studies. We use the concept of ‘relational fields’ to determine how these former colonial soldiers systematically utilized the past as a political framing device and thus revealed themselves to be not outsiders to the political system but equal players therein. We argue that their actions are best understood as a series of connected postcolonial civil rights campaigns that often reinforce rather than reverse romanticized and positivist representations of Britain’s imperial past. While in some instances colonial veterans were able to mount meaningful political interventions, our analysis shows that the veterans’ eventual acceptance into British society could only come at the price of their continued stereotyped depiction as colonial subjects.


Author(s):  
Angélica Maria Bernal

This chapter examines appeals to the authority of original founding events, founding ideals, and Founding Fathers in contemporary constitutional democracies. It argues that these “foundational invocations” reveal a window into the unique, albeit underexamined function that foundings play: as a vehicle of persuasion and legitimation. It organizes this examination around two of the most influential visions of founding in the US tradition: the originalist, situated in the discourses of conservative social movements such as the Tea Party and in conservative constitutional thought; and the promissory, situated in the discourses of social movements such as the civil rights movement. Though they might appear radically dissimilar, this chapter illustrates how these two influential conceptualizations of founding together reveal a shared political foundationalism that conflates the normative authority of a regime for its de facto one, thus circumscribing radical change by obscuring the past and placing founding invocations and their actors beyond question.


Author(s):  
Roger J.R. Levesque

The law does not square with people’s experiences of segregation and diversity. An empirical look at the legal system’s effectiveness in addressing school segregation reveals, from a practical perspective, that segregation persists and even surpasses levels before the civil rights movement. Yet, the legal system continues as though segregation is a thing of the past. Even more bizarre, the negative effects of racial and ethnic disparities in schooling are well documented, and the legal system compels itself to ignore much of them. To exacerbate matters, legal analysts increasingly interpret the law as a system that operates in a different world than the one documented by researchers who describe disparities and what could be done about them. For their part, researchers pervasively continue to document experiences without considering the legal system’s basic concerns. This book details the source of these gaps, evaluates their empirical and legal foundation, explains why they persist, and reveals what can be done about them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 644-662
Author(s):  
Lanier Frush Holt ◽  
Dustin Carnahan

This study provides a clearer understanding of how audience members’ race influences their media choices. It finds that in today’s overwhelmingly negative media environment, people prefer reading negative stories about persons in their own racial group over stories about racial out-group members. This suggests social movements seeking to change the attitudes of people of different races using media (e.g., Black Lives Matter) might not be as successful as those in the past (e.g., Civil Rights Movement). Today, people tend to ignore such news when there is other bad news that affects people in their own racial group.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel D. Aberbach ◽  
Jack L. Walker

Angry protests against racial discrimination were a prominent part of American public life during the 1960's. The decade opened with the sit-ins and freedom rides, continued through Birmingham, Selma, and the March on Washington, and closed with protests in hundreds of American cities, often punctuated by rioting and violence. During this troubled decade the rhetoric of protest became increasingly demanding, blanket charges of pervasive white racism and hostility were more common, and some blacks began to actively discourage whites from participating either in protest demonstrations or civil rights organizations. Nothing better symbolized the changing mood and style of black protest in America than recent changes in the movement's dominant symbols. Demonstrators who once shouted “freedom” as their rallying cry now were shouting “black power”—a much more provocative, challenging slogan.The larger and more diverse a political movement's constituency, the more vague and imprecise its unifying symbols and rallying cries are likely to be. A slogan like black power has no sharply defined meaning; it may excite many different emotions and may motivate individuals to express their loyalty or take action for almost contradictory reasons. As soon as Adam Clayton Powell and Stokely Carmichael began to use the phrase in 1966 it set off an acrimonious debate among black leaders over its true meaning. Initially it was a blunt and threatening battle cry meant to symbolize a break with the past tactics of the civil rights movement.


Jurnal HAM ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Oki Wahju Budijanto

AbstrakPenghayat Kepercayaan masih mengalami diskriminasi, khususnya dalam penghormatan hak-hak sipilnya. Hal ini berakar dari “perbedaan” yang lahir dari pengakuan negara atas agama dan perlakuan berbeda kepada “agama” dan “kepercayaan”. Pada Pemerintahan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla salah satu agenda prioritas adalah memprioritaskan perlindungan terhadap anak, perempuan dan kelompok masyarakat termajinalkan, serta penghormatan HAM dan penyelesaian secara berkeadilan terhadap kasus-kasus pelanggaran HAM pada masa lalu menjadi momentum tepat untuk penegakan HAMnya. Pertannyaannya, implementasi penghormatan Hak Asasi Manusia bagi penghayat kepercayaan di Kota Bandung. Tulisan yang didasarkan pada penelitian bersifat deskriptif analisis dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif pada tataran implementasi (khususnya Kota Bandung), para penghayat kepercayaan tidak mengalami kendala dalam memperoleh layanan kependudukan dan catatan sipil. Namun demikian masih terdapat penolakan masyarakat umum terhadap pemakaman bagi para penghayat kepercayaan di tempat pemakaman umum. Penolakan ini tentu bertentangan dengan Pasal 8 ayat (2) Peraturan Bersama Menteri Dalam Negeri dan Menteri Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Nomor 43 Tahun 2009 dan Nomor 41 Tahun 2009 tentang Pedoman Pelayanan Kepada Penghayat Kepercayaan Kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, maka pemerintah daerah menyediakan pemakaman umum.Kata Kunci: Penghormatan HAM, Hak-Hak Sipil, Penghayat KepercayaanAbstractBelief adherent still experience discrimination, expecialy respect of their civil rights. it is rooted in the “difference” is born from the recognition of the state of religion and different treatment to “religion” and “belief”. In Government Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla which one of the priority agenda is to prioritize the protection of children, women and marginalized groups of society, as well as respect for human rights and equitable settlement of the cases of human rights violations in the past an appropriate moment to better provide the respect of human rights.This paper based of research which is descriptive analysis with normative juridical approach in terms of implementation (particularly the city of Bandung), the seeker of confidence not having problems in obtaining settlement services and civil records. However, there is still a general public rejection of the funeral for the seeker of confidence in the public cemetery. This rejection against to Article 8 (2) Joint Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Culture and Tourism No. 43 of 2009 and No. 41 of 2009 on Guidelines for Care To Belief adherent in God Almighty, the local government provides the public cemetery.Keywords: Respect of Human Rights, Civil Rights, Belief Adherent


2017 ◽  
Vol 83 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen A. King ◽  
Roger Davis Gatchet
Keyword(s):  
The Past ◽  

Author(s):  
Michele Elam

The afterword argues that so-called neo-passing narratives distinctively highlight the performative dimension to racial formation and are, moreover, particularly attentive to the social and political consequences of race. This essay argues that the desire for passing to be a phenomenon of the past can be problematic in that it wills away the social insights afforded by cultural and literary narratives of passing in the post–Civil Rights era.


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