scholarly journals Contested European citizenship: Results from a 13 country survey

2021 ◽  
pp. 000169932110662
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards ◽  
Holger Lengfeld ◽  
Clara Dilger

European citizenship consisting of equal economic, social and political rights for all EU citizens has come under pressure in recent years due to the different crises the EU had to face. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states we examined to what extent EU citizens support the notion that citizens from other European countries should enjoy the same rights as nationals. Overall, 56% of EU citizens support the idea that citizens from other EU member states (EU migrants) and national citizens shall be treated equally. In addition, we find remarkable variation between the countries. Multivariate analyses indicate that cultural factors on the individual and the country level have a strong impact on attitudes towards Europeanized equality, whereas structural factors that are related to individuals’ and a countries’ socioeconomic position are only of minor importance.

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steffen Pötzschke

Besides huge differences in attitudes towards the European Union (EU), it seems to be common sense in nearly all strata of EU member states’ societies that the EU created a common and seemingly borderless space of mobility for its inhabitants. Sometimes this characteristic is not only the first positive thing that comes to people’s mind when asked about the Union but also the only one. This paper investigates to which extend Turkish migrants as third-country citizens residing in EU member states make use of this mobility space in a physical and non-physical manner. Data on Romanian migrants is used to contrast these findings. The analysis builds on recent survey data on transnational activities of migrants and nationals in six EU member states (Denmark, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain and United Kingdom) collected by the EUCROSS study. It is found that a considerable part of the interviewed Turkish migrants visited other EU member states recently, but that, nevertheless, intra-EU mobility is less common in their case than for migrants from Romania. However, this difference can neither exclusively nor mainly be explained by the absence of European citizenship or by the residence within or outside the Schengen space.


2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Meenan

This article examines the Employment Directive from the age perspective and endorses a life course approach to ageing. It explores the permitted exclusions on grounds of age and especially the exceptional justification for direct age discrimination, contained in Article 6. In the end, EU Member States may find it more difficult to successfully transpose Article 6 than they imagine. The article reveals special challenges for age and refers to age laws in Ireland and the USA, in particular. It also refers to preparations for transposition in a number of Member States, including the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. Whether and to what extent age will ultimately receive the least protection of all the new grounds, remains to be seen and will depend largely on the individual approaches of the Member States. The ultimate consequence of the additional opportunities for excluding or justifying age discrimination may well be different protected areas throughout the EU.


Author(s):  
Jelena Dzankic

Most European Union (EU) Member States participate in the common visa regime, even though there is no common visa policy applicable to all of them. The visa policy explored here covers the Schengen Area (including EU Member States and other countries, as well as EU countries that are still outside the Schengen). The Schengen Area does not include two EU Member States—the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland—that have opted out from the EU’s visa policies and operate a common travel area between them. Furthermore, the common visa policy in the EU is related to the issuance of short-term visas, while visas of longer duration and residence permits remain in the national domain. Against this background, the visa policy of the EU has four relevant aspects. First, the gradual evolution of the Schengen Area has been driven not only by political developments within the EU and its Member States, but also by broader global developments (e.g., the fall of communism). Second, the consolidation of the internal and external aspects of the visa policy in the EU took place through the growth of the Schengen acquis. Third, visa liberalization has become one of the most powerful tools for policy diffusion beyond the EU’s borders. Finally, securitization of migration has had a strong impact on the EU’s visa policy, particularly in the domains of information exchange and police cooperation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Zuzana Potužáková ◽  
Jan Öhm

Abstract In addition to internationalization and growing volumes of international trade in goods, the importance of expenditure on research and development (R&D) has grown significantly. National patent protection has become rather insufficient with increased international trade in goods, which has resulted in the importance of the international patent protection. The main aim of the article is to analyse the relation between R&D investment and the number of patent applications filed with the European Patent Office (EPO) after the year 2000, when the EU‘s Lisbon Strategy was launched. The authors have focused primarily on the differences among the EU macro-regions, which are based on the socioeconomic models. Conclusions imply that one percentage point of R&D expenditure generates roughly 100 EPO applications and the findings also show that individual macro-regions have the identical scattered data. However, dispersions in the individual groups of the EU Member States after the year 2000 differ. The EU Member States are starting to vary significantly in the intensity of R&D support also within each macro-region, thus disparities increase within the EU. Therefore, the attitude to GERD is considered to be an important factor contributing to the greater economic disparities within the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 183 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Olena Zayats ◽  

Introduction. With this paper we want to show that the study of international competitiveness only at a country level does not correspond to the contemporary development of the global economy. The author presents the methodology for competitiveness grouping of international integration groupings’ member states in order to assess the global competitive force of trade and economic groupings in the world economy. Based on the data of the Global Competitiveness Report 2019 regarding the competitiveness of the EU Member States, the Global Competitive Force Index of the EU as an interstate integration grouping has been calculated. The Index will help evaluate economic integration or disintegration processes in the global economy. The research demonstrates the necessity of the annual global competitive force ranking of international integration groupings. This study will enhance knowledge in the field of economics by grouping the EU Member States’ global competitiveness indices according to 12 criteria and identifying the new quantitative and qualitative integrated Global Competitive Force Index of an international integration grouping. To reach this objective, we will define the Integrated Global Competitive Force Index as the average of the individual points of the EU Member States in 2019. The novelty of our study lies in the comparative analysis of the three largest interstate integration groupings from the perspective of their competitive force. The introduction of the new integrated Global Competitive Force Index of interstate integration groupings will help competition policy makers decide which processes of economic integration or disintegration should be preferred in order to increase their competitive force in the global economy. The purpose. Research and calculation of the European Union’s Integrated Global Competitive Force Index to analyze the attractiveness of the European Union in terms of global competitive force. Based on the calculation of the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index 2019, the attractiveness of the EU competitive environment has been determined according to 12 criteria. Results. The ranking of the three largest regional integration groupings of the world economy has been formed. Specification of the assessment and results of the integrated index of interstate integration groupings’ global development can be used for the competition policy development of the individual member state of an integration grouping as well as the communitarian competition policy. The EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index will help understand what the integration grouping’s competitive force means and whether the process of interstate integration of countries contributes to enhancing the competitive force of an individual country and the integration grouping as a whole. To calculate the EU Integrated Competitive Force Index, we will analyze the Member States on 12 competitive strength criteria, and Global Competitiveness Report 2019 will serve as the basis for our study. According to our calculations, the EU Integrated Global Competitive Force Index is 72 points out of 100. Conclusion. The results of a comprehensive integrated assessment of the competitive force of 28 EU Member States demonstrate a high overall competitive force index of the grouping, indicating the EU’s impact on global competitive processes. The EU Global Competitive Force Index can be used both as an indicator of the separate international integration grouping’s development and as a global criterion for the effectiveness of interstate integration groupings in the transformation of international competitive relations. Discussion. The highlighting of the EU global competitive force is a requirement for the contemporary development of the global competitive environment, since interstate integration groupings are the main actors of the world economy, which significantly affect the distribution and growth of competitive force.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iwona Markowicz ◽  
Paweł Baran

Research background: As a system of official EU statistics, Intrastat contains data collected by Member States aggregated by Eurostat on the Union’s level in the form of COMEXT database. Country-level data are based on declarations made by businesses dispatching or acquiring goods from other EU Member States. Since the same transaction is declared twice — as an ICS in one country and at the same time as an ICA in another country by the partner — the database contains mirror data. Analysis of mirror data lets us assess the quality of public statistics data on international trade. Purpose of the article: The aim of the article is to rank EU Member States according to quality of data on intra-Community trade in goods collected by Intrastat. Foreign trade stimulates economic development on one hand and is the development’s reflection on the other. Thus it is very important that official statistics in this area be of good quality. Analysis of mirror data from partner states in intra-Community trade in goods allows us to claim that not every Member State pro-vides data of satisfactory quality level. Methods: We used the authors’ methodology of assessing quality of mirror data. These include data asymmetry indices, both proposed by Eurostat and the authors’ own proposals. We have also examined the changes in the above mentioned rankings over time. Findings & Value added: The result of the survey is ordering of EU Member States according to the quality of data on intra-Community trade in goods. The rankings are presented for the period of 2014–2017, during which there were 28 Member States of the EU. Changes in distinct countries’ positions were shown as a result of changes in overall quality of statistical data collected in these countries. The research methodology can be used in the process of monitoring data quality of the Intrastat system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards ◽  
Clara Dilger

Abstract European law requires member states of the European Union (EU) to accept refugees. It also allows them to return refugees to their countries of origin if the reason for asylum no longer exists. Both the reception and return of refugees has become a widely debated and controversial issue in many member states of the EU. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states, we analysed whether citizens support the return of refugees when the cause for their displacement has become obsolete and how differences in attitudes toward the return of refugees can be explained. A clear majority of Europeans (70%) support the return of refugees. This is also the case for those who believe that their country should accept refugees in the first place. These results mean that existing law—the acceptance of refugees in need and the return when the cause becomes obsolete—is being supported by a majority of Europeans. However, there are considerable differences in approval rates among the countries. The results of multivariate analysis show that ideational factors—both on the micro and the macro level—influence attitudes toward the return of refugees, whereas structural factors, recurring to economic interest, do not contribute substantially to the explanation of attitudes toward the return. The political implications of these findings are discussed in the last section of the article.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Nirmala Pillay

This article examines the extent to which the inclusion of the European Union (EU) Charter of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Treaty of Lisbon which gives legal force to socio-economic rights as well as civil and political rights,conomic will succeed in helping EU member states meet international treaty obligations to implement socio-economic rights. Will the EU’s renewed commitment to developing the social sphere, post-Brexit, be more successful and will British citizens lose out on socio-economic rights in the long term if the EU succeeds in creating a better social or public dimension? Member states of the EU that have ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) have obligations to progressively realise economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights. Progress on this has been slow and potentially made more difficult by the economic direction adopted by the EU since the 1980s. Although the EU, from the beginning, saw itself as a “social market” it struggled to embed the “social” to the same extent that it embedded the “market”. Critics argue that the economic policies of the EU and key judgements of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) successfully dis-embedded the market from its social context. Additionally, the regulatory regime of the EU developed in a direction that limited the capacity of nation states to ameliorate the consequences of market-led policies for the least advantaged. However, the Charter of Rights, which places socio-economic rights on an equal footing with civil and political rights, is a novel and bold initiative. It has stimulated debate on whether the Charter could rebalance the EU’s economic agenda by paying attention to the social consequences of predominantly market-led policies. This paper examines the potential impact of the EU Charter, in the context of member states international human rights obligations, to create an environment where member states of the EU have fewer obstacles to the “progressive realization” of ESC rights.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Petrova ◽  

The future in resolving disputes in all spheres of public life lies in mediation. The aim of the author of this article is to present the current relevant European legislation on mediation and how it has found application - transposition into the legislation of EU member states. After a comparative analytical review, highlight the similarities and differences regarding the legal regulation in the individual countries and point out the good legislative practices and the progress made by the EU member states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-401
Author(s):  
Erika Onuferová ◽  
Veronika Čabinová ◽  
Mária Matijová

AbstractThe main aim of the paper was to analyse the economic and social development of the European Union (EU) member states (28 countries) on the basis of selected five multicriteria indices (the Global Competitiveness Index, the Economic Freedom Index, the Global Innovation Index, the Corruption Perceptions Index, the Human Development Index). To perform settled aim, a multidimensional classification of EU countries for years 2011 and 2018 using cluster analysis was realized. The purpose of the analysis was to categorize the individual EU countries into clusters and to find out to what extent the position of EU member states has changed in terms of selected international indices over the analysed period. Based on the findings, it is arguable that a major part of the EU member states cluster into the same groups based on the selected indices assessment, regardless of the time period. However, six countries (Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, and United Kingdom) improved their position during the period under review and ranked into the cluster of more prosperous countries in 2018. The rate of change (improvement) was quantified at the level of 21.43%. Based on the results, Latvia and Lithuania were the most similar countries in terms of economic prosperity (Euclidean distance reached the level of 3.08), while the least similar countries were Greece and Sweden (Euclidean distance reached the level of 70.8). Declining Euclidean distances indicate that economic disparities of the individual EU countries have decreased in the period under review. This paper aims at developing the research to find out how, besides hierarchy, we can analyse the EU member states from the perspective of various multicriteria indices. The four proposed clusters could be used as a starting point for future policy reforms, pointing to the weaknesses of various countries.


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