Do Party Systems Count?

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep Chhibber ◽  
Irfan Nooruddin
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
State Government ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Indian States ◽  
The Impact

Delivery of public goods varies significantly across the Indian states. This article argues that differences in state government expenditures are largely the result of differences in their party systems. Using macroeconomic data from 1967 to 1997 as well as postelection voter surveys, we demonstrate that states with two-party competition provide more public goods than states with multiparty competition, which, we argue, reflects differing mobilization strategies. In two-party systems, political parties require support from many social groups and therefore provide public goods to win elections. In multiparty systems, needing only a plurality of votes to win, parties use club, rather than public, goods to mobilize smaller segments of the population. In stressing the impact of party systems on state government performance in India, this article differs from recent political economy research, which has stressed either the effect of particular political parties or ethnic divisions on government performance and public goods delivery.

scholarly journals The Politics of Service Delivery in Pakistan: Political Parties and the Incentives for Patronage, 1988-1999

2008 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahid Hasnan
Keyword(s):  
Quality Of Service ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Service Delivery ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the impact of the political party structure on the incentives for politicians to focus on patronage versus service delivery improvements in Pakistan. By analysing inter-provincial variations in the quality of service delivery in Pakistan, the paper argues that the more fragmented, factionalised, and polarised the party systems, the greater are the incentives for patronage, weakening service delivery improvements. Fragmentation and factionalism both exacerbate the information problems that voters have in assigning credit (blame) for service delivery improvements (deterioration), thereby creating the incentives for politicians to focus on targeted benefits. Polarisation, particularly ethnic polarisation, reduces the ability of groups to agree on the provision of public goods, again causing politicians to favour the delivery of targeted benefits.

Party systems and public goods: the dynamics of good governance in the Indian states

India Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 496-522
Author(s):  
Sayan Banerjee ◽  
Charles R. Hankla
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Indian States

scholarly journals The Centre Does Not Hold: Coalition Politics and Party System Change in the Netherlands, 2002–12

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huib Pellikaan ◽  
Sarah L. de Lange ◽  
Tom W.G. van der Meer
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Party System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Coalition Formation Process ◽  
The Impact

Like many party systems across Western Europe, the Dutch party system has been in flux since 2002 as a result of a series of related developments, including the decline of mainstream parties which coincided with the emergence of radical right-wing populist parties and the concurrent dimensional transformation of the political space. This article analyses how these challenges to mainstream parties fundamentally affected the structure of party competition. On the basis of content analysis of party programmes, we examine the changing configuration of the Dutch party space since 2002 and investigate the impact of these changes on coalition-formation patterns. We conclude that the Dutch party system has become increasingly unstable. It has gradually lost its core through electoral fragmentation and mainstream parties’ positional shifts. The disappearance of a core party that dominates the coalition-formation process initially transformed the direction of party competition from centripetal to centrifugal. However, since 2012 a theoretically novel configuration has emerged in which no party or coherent group of parties dominates competition.

Languages, secessionism and party competition in Catalonia: A case of de-ethnicising outbidding?

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882096038
Author(s):  
Marc Sanjaume-Calvet ◽  
Elvira Riera-Gil
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Party Strategies ◽  
Official Languages ◽  
Ethnic Competition ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Nationalist Parties

This article explores party strategies in electoral competition in Catalonia in order to test the existence of ethnic outbidding ( Chandra, 2005 ; Zuber and Szöcsik, 2015 ). We contribute with original findings on this case by addressing the evolution of political parties’ discourses through a qualitative analysis of their manifestos for the last five regional elections campaigns (2006–2017), covering a period of strong territorial conflict between Catalonia and Spain. Our analysis aims to measure the impact of secessionism growth on parties’ ethnic competition in Catalonia and compares the strategies of secessionist, federalist and centralist parties. In order to measure ethnicity, we focus on language, the most salient identity marker in Catalan politics, and link the evolution of parties’ territorial positions to that of their treatment of national identities and the Catalan and Castilian languages – both official languages in Catalonia – in their manifestos. Our findings include diverse strategies that do not entirely fit in with ethnic competition theories. First, we find that territorial outbidding does not always imply ethnic outbidding: political parties generally do not use the main identity marker in Catalonia (language) for outbidding purposes. Second, we find some evidence of ethnic outbidding in majority nationalist parties, but not in minority nationalist parties.

scholarly journals Power to the Parties: Cohesion and Competition in the European Parliament, 1979–2001

2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON HIX ◽  
ABDUL NOURY ◽  
GÉRARD ROLAND
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Total Population ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Party Cohesion ◽  
The Impact

How cohesive are political parties in the European Parliament? What coalitions form and why? The answers to these questions are central for understanding the impact of the European Parliament on European Union policies. These questions are also central in the study of legislative behaviour in general. We collected the total population of roll-call votes in the European Parliament, from the first elections in 1979 to the end of 2001 (over 11,500 votes). The data show growing party cohesion despite growing internal national and ideological diversity within the European party groups. We also find that the distance between parties on the left-right dimension is the strongest predictor of coalition patterns. We conclude that increased power of the European Parliament has meant increased power for the transnational parties, via increased internal party cohesion and inter-party competition.

How Does May’s Law Work in Multi-dimensional Competition? Intra-party Opinion Structure in Catalonia

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Montserrat Baras ◽  
Oscar Barberà ◽  
Astrid Barrio ◽  
Juan Rodríguez-Teruel
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition

AbstractThis article explores how multi-dimensional competition party systems shape the intraparty opinion structure in political parties. The aim is to extend and test May’s law of ideological curvilinear disparity to multi-dimensional settings. The data are based on the case of Catalonia, a party system characterized by the relevant presence of non-state wide parties, where political competition is based on two main dimensions: the left right axis and the subjective national identity one. The paper shows that while the Catalan parties do fit with May’s law in the left-right axis, this is not the case in the national identity one. In addition, it further illustrates how the interaction between both axes affects party competition and internal opinion differences between leaders, activists and voters. The results attest the complexity of the intraparty opinion structures in multidimensional competition systems.

scholarly journals Pre-Colonial Religious Institutions and Development: Evidence Through a Military Coup

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adeel Malik ◽  
Rinchan Ali Mirza
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Difference In Differences ◽  
Literacy Rate ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
Political Economy Of Religion ◽  
The Impact

Abstract This paper offers a novel illustration of the political economy of religion by examining the impact of religious elites on development. We compile a unique database on holy Muslim shrines across Pakistani Punjab and construct a historical panel of literacy spanning over a century (1901-2011). Using the 1977 military take-over as a universal shock that gave control over public goods to politicians, our difference-in-differences analysis shows that areas with a greater concentration of shrines experienced a substantially retarded growth in literacy after the coup. Our results suggest that the increase in average literacy rate would have been higher by 13% in the post-coup period in the absence of shrine influence. We directly address the selection concern that shrines might be situated in areas predisposed to lower literacy expansion. Finally, we argue that the coup devolved control over public goods to local politicians, and shrine elites, being more averse to education since it undermines their power, suppressed its expansion in shrine-dense areas.

scholarly journals The Europeanisation of Slovak Political Parties

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dušan Leška
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Stages Of Development ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The aim of the study is to analyse the Europeanisation of Slovak political parties in the various stages of the transition and transformation of the political system of Slovakia before and after the entry into the European Union. Methodologically, the paper is based on the concept of Ladrech, who divided five areas of research to suit the study of the impact of the Europeanisation on political parties and their politics. Visible can be changes in political programmes, organisational changes, a formula of party competition, relations between parties and government, relations beyond the national party system (a new look at transnational cooperation between political parties). Our research proved that the Europeanisation has been visible at all stages of development, with varying degrees of intensity and in various forms since the signing of the association agreement with the European Union. Its effect was important already in the stage of the society transition when it helped the return of Slovakia on the path of democratic development. In the two stages of development, Europeanisation created an individual line of cleavage of political parties, affected the rivalry of political parties, and thus a party system model. Unambiguously, it was reflected in political programmes of all parties, and an important role was played by the incorporation of political parties in the European political parties, by their cooperation and coordination of their policies. The election in the European Parliament was an important turning point in completion of programme orientations of political parties.

The Political Economy of Sectoral Credit Provisioning in India: An Empirical Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Deepti Kohli
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Contributions ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Agricultural Credit ◽  
Indian States ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Incumbent Party ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Governmental Control

Abstract Electoral dynamics is believed to have a direct bearing on the scope of governmental control over the supply of credit to different economic sectors. This paper attempts to examine the impact of opportunistic electoral manipulations, ideological beliefs and political lobbying on the supply of agricultural and industrial credit across the Indian states. The findings indicate that more competitive elections are associated with increases in credit provision. An incumbent party with a more liberal ideology is found to provide greater average credit to agriculture relative to industry. Finally, an increase in the political contributions provided to an incumbent state government is found to entail greater industrial credit and lower agricultural credit, on an average.

Tied hands? Italian political parties and Europe

Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolò Conti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Disruptive Effect ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

Italian political parties have been involved for almost three decades in a multi-level electoral game encompassing the election of national, supranational and local institutions. The content of the electoral competition has also changed to include not only nationwide, but also sub-national and supranational issues. This article analyses the interaction between Italian parties and the theme of European integration. The aim is to explore the role of contentious European Union matters in domestic electoral competition, specifically at the time of European elections. Such a role is important to understand to what extent the Italian parties politicise the EU issues during EP elections, and to determine the impact of such issues on the Italian party system and on its patterns of policy competition. In particular, the article will explore whether Europe as an issue has been internalised along the main patterns of party competition or has produced a disruptive effect and forms of realignment.

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