scholarly journals The Revival of Charisma: Experimental Evidence From Argentina and Venezuela

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 687-719 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin Andrews-Lee
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Survey Experiments

Scholars have long claimed that political movements founded by charismatic leaders must undergo “routinization,” or depersonalization, to survive. Yet many such movements appear to have sustained their charismatic nature and have persisted or reemerged in cases as diverse as Argentina, Venezuela, Peru, Turkey, and China. Focusing on Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo, this article examines the potential of new leaders to revive their charismatic predecessors’ legacies to perpetuate the movement and gain the followers’ support. Through face-to-face survey experiments conducted in both countries, the article shows that new leaders who (a) implement bold, initially impressive policies and (b) symbolically tie themselves to the charismatic founder cause citizens to express stronger emotional attachments to the movement and garner political support. The results challenge the notion that charismatic movements are short-lived and underscore the potential of these movements to impact democratic politics and party-system development long after their founders disappear.

scholarly journals When Will People Pay to Pollute? Environmental Taxes, Political Trust and Experimental Evidence from Britain

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 661-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Fairbrother
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Environmental Taxes ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Political Distrust ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Relationship

This article presents results from survey experiments investigating conditions under which Britons are willing to pay taxes on polluting activities. People are no more willing if revenues are hypothecated for spending on environmental protection, while making such taxes more relevant to people – by naming petrol and electricity as products to which they will apply – has a modestly negative effect. Public willingness increases sharply if people are told that new environmental taxes would be offset by cuts to other taxes, but political distrust appears to undermine much of this effect. Previous studies have argued that political trust shapes public opinion with respect to environmental and many other policies. But this article provides the first experimental evidence suggesting that the relationship is causal, at least for one specific facet: cynicism about public officials’ honesty and integrity. The results suggest a need to make confidence in the trustworthiness of public officials and their promises more central to conceptualizations of political trust.

Civic Duty and Political Preference Formation

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin J. Mullinix
Keyword(s):  
Motivated Reasoning ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Opinion Formation ◽  
Preference Formation ◽  
Education Policies ◽  
Political Preference ◽  
Citizen Competence ◽  
Civic Duty ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Policy Information

While a sense of civic duty has long been perceived as important for political participation, little is known about its implications for political preference formation. I argue that civic duty has salubrious effects for opinion formation by dampening partisan distortions in decision making. I theorize that a heightened sense of civic duty stimulates a motivation to form “accurate” opinions and, in doing so, diminishes the effects of partisan motivated reasoning. Using survey experiments focused on tax and education policies, I provide evidence that when civic norms are accentuated, at times, people shirk party endorsements and incorporate substantive policy information in preference formation. The implications for citizen competence and public opinion in democratic politics are discussed.

scholarly journals Local Movements, Political Processes and Transformation: A Case Study of Bhaktapur Municipality

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Popular Movement

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201

Why fascists took over theReichstagbut have not captured the Kremlin: a comparison of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steffen Kailitz ◽  
Andreas Umland
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
National Leader ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Like Weimar Germany, contemporary Russia is home to fascist actors and widespread nationalism. But unlike interwar Germany, the party system in post-Soviet Russia is heavily manipulated and civil society remains underdeveloped. This means that fascists have not had a chance to use elections or to penetrate civil society in order to build up political support. The continuing presence of a resolutely authoritarian, yet non-fascist “national leader” (Vladimir Putin) keeps the country from becoming a liberal democracy but it also, for now, makes it less likely that the regime will become fascist.

Political inclusion in unstable contexts: Muqtada al-Sadr and Iraq's Sadrist Movement

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Godwin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Group A ◽  
Political Inclusion ◽  
The Impact

Nearly all scholarship on radical political movements suggests that participation in formal politics will lead to moderation. Yet Iraq's Sadrist Movement, the Shi'a Islamist group headed by Muqtada al-Sadr, defies the widespread assumption that political inclusion leads to moderation by giving a group a greater stake in the system. This paper will examine the Sadrist Movement to explore the impact of unstable security conditions on the calculations and actions of political movements. In late 2004, the Sadrist Movement recognized the legitimacy of the Iraqi state, ceased using violence and entered electoral politics. The literature suggests that the Sadrist Movement should have continued to moderate in response to further political and material incentives. However, in 2006 the Sadrists returned to violence and grew increasingly hostile toward democratic politics. Why did the Sadrist Movement reverse course in this manner? This work argues that unstable environments, such as that of post-2003 Iraq, can cause parties to reject the incentives of inclusion within the state political system.

Republicans and Socialists and the Origins of Italian Political Parties

Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-325
Author(s):  
Paolo Morisi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Initial Formation ◽  
National Crisis ◽  
Italian Case ◽  
The Social ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Science Centres

A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and policy-making accomplishments of the two major political movements active before and after the establishment of the national parliament. The article argues that, at least in the Italian case, parties did not originate in the legislature; rather, similar to countries such as Germany and Spain, Italian parties developed as a result of a major national crisis.

Continuidade na renovação? Ten years of multiparty politics in Mozambique: roots, evolution and stabilisation of the Frelimo–Renamo party system

2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni M. Carbone
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
Essential Feature ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Historical Origins

Post-conflict elections in Mozambique, held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, established a formally competitive and pluralistic system. This paper examines the country's emerging two-party system as an essential feature affecting prospects for democratic deepening and consolidation. The condition for political parties to actually help the establishment of democratic politics is their development as durable, socially rooted, country-wide effective and legitimate organisations. The paper contends that the current party system has indeed been a major instrument for political expression and for the channelling and peaceful management of conflicts. It shows how both Frelimo and Renamo – and the competition between them – have deep-seated historical origins and well-established regional roots. Yet, a number of aspects concerning the Mozambican party system negatively affect the deepening of democratic politics: the legitimacy of the party system is weakened by post-conflict polarisation and uncertain mutual recognition; the ethno-regional entrenchment of the two main parties bestows a communal connotation on electoral competition; and most importantly, the party system remains unbalanced and unevenly institutionalised, with Frelimo's disciplined and fundamentally institutionalised organisation opposed by a strongly personalistic and weakly organised Renamo, which struggles to operate within state institutions and to accommodate internal differences.

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