The Corrections-Commercial Complex

The current debate about corrections' privatization neglects the extensive overlap of business, political, and private interests that shapes public corrections policy. Based on current developments in the United States it is possible to identify a corrections-commercial complex. As Deep Throat reportedly said to Washington Post writer Bob Woodward in an underground parking garage after he and Carl Bernstein uncovered the Committee for the Re-election of the President's secret fund in 1972: “Follow the money.”

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The Telephone Problem and the Road to Telephone Regulation in the United States, 1876–1917

Journal of Policy History ◽

10.1017/s0898030600004504 ◽

1991 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 42-69 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Jeffrey E. Cohen

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Interest Group ◽

The United States ◽

Policy Outcomes ◽

Policy Outcome ◽

The Public ◽

The Road ◽

Telephone Companies ◽

Private Interests ◽

Multiple Interest

Between 1876 and 1917, government philosophy toward telephone regulation began moving away from laissez-faire and toward some kind of involvement in economic affairs. However, while some early studies of regulation suggest business hostility to that policy, AT&T actively sought regulation, jogging government and the public in that direction. But this study is not just a restatement of the interest-group-capture theory, as offered by such economists as Stigler or historians as Kolko. Regulation resulted from the convergence of interests of many affected players, including residential and business telephone subscribers, the independent telephone companies that competed with AT&T, and the state and federal governments, as well as AT&T. I employ a multiple interest theory to account for telephone regulation, but unlike other studies using such a framework, I suggest that government is an independent actor with impact on the final policy outcome, and not merely an arena where private interests battle for control over policy outcomes, as is so common among other multiple interest studies of regulation.

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Controversies Among the Hypertension Guidelines

Journal of Pharmacy Practice ◽

10.1177/0897190015615879 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 29 (1) ◽

pp. 5-14 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Toni L. Ripley ◽

Mary Baumert

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Blood Pressure ◽

Clinical Trials ◽

Antihypertensive Agents ◽

The United States ◽

Current Debate ◽

Hypertension Management ◽

Patient Needs ◽

Blood Pressure Targets ◽

Hypertension Guidelines

Hypertension affects 80 million people in the United States. It remains poorly controlled, with only 54% of diagnosed patients treated to blood pressure targets. Hypertension management is complex in part due to the volume of antihypertensive agents, variable patient needs and responses, and inconsistent design and outcomes from clinical trials. Therefore, trustworthy clinical practice guidelines have a key role in hypertension management. The United States experienced a 10-year gap in publication of hypertension guidelines, followed by multiple guideline publications in 2013. These guidelines led to more controversy than clarity, as there was discordance among them. This review summarizes the guidelines and clinical statements influencing the current debate in order to facilitate appropriate application.

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Forget the Competition Trope

International Higher Education ◽

10.6017/ihe.2018.95.10683 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 11

Author(s):

Creso M. Sá

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

International Students ◽

Student Mobility ◽

Public Policies ◽

The United States ◽

Current Debate ◽

Clear Pattern ◽

Host Countries ◽

Usual Assumption

The current debate on internationalization has revolved around the impacts of nationalist politics in many countries on student mobility. In recent research, we have questioned the usual assumption that major host countries have been engaged in an ongoing “brain race.” Through an analysis of the politics and public policies impacting international students in Australia, Canada, England, and the United States during a sixteen year period, we show that there is no clear pattern of “competition” among countries, but rather uncoordinated and inconsistent actions.

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O Debate Contemporâneo Sobre o Princípio de Soberania na Literatura Ocidental de Relações Internacionais l The Contemporary Debate on the Principle of Sovereignty in the Western Literature of International Relations

Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil ◽

10.12957/neiba.2021.59724 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

pp. e58704

Author(s):

Alice Castelani de Oliveira

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

International Relations ◽

The United States ◽

Current Debate ◽

Contemporary Debate ◽

Western Literature ◽

Production Of Knowledge ◽

The World ◽

American Authors ◽

Contemporary Context

A soberania representa uma das articulações políticas mais importantes da Modernidade, a qual convencionou a separação entre as políticas interna e externa. Posto isso, entendemos que para compreender o mundo em que vivemos é necessário pensar essa categoria à luz do contexto contemporâneo, então, com o objetivo de contribuir para o estudo desse conceito, no presente artigo apresentaremos uma revisão do debate atual sobre a categoria de soberania. Para esse fim, nos apoiaremos em um exame da literatura ocidental de Relações Internacionais (RI), com foco em autores americanos, considerando que a produção de conhecimento dos Estados Unidos (EUA) é preponderante dentro deste campo. Esclarecemos que o debate na esfera destacada pode ser dividido em duas linhas de pesquisa que serão exploradas neste texto. A primeira aborda o aprofundamento da globalização e os efeitos desse processo sobre soberania e a segunda discute como são socialmente construídos os discursos sobre essa categoria.Palavras-Chave: Teoria; Relações Internacionais; Soberania.ABSTRACTSovereignty represents one of the most important political articulations of Modernity, which established the separation between internal and external policies. That said, we understand that in order to understand the world in which we live, it is necessary to think about this category in the light of the contemporary context, so, in order to contribute to the study of this concept, in this article we’ll present a review of the current debate on the category of sovereignty. To that end, we’ll rely on an examination of the Western International Relations (IR) literature, focusing on American authors, considering that the production of knowledge from the United States (USA) is predominant within this field. We clarify that the debate in the highlighted sphere can be divided into two lines of research that will be explored in this text. The first addresses the deepening of globalization and the effects of this process on sovereignty and the second discusses how the speeches about this category are socially constructed.Keywords: Theory; International Relations; Sovereignty. Recebido em: 27/03/2021 | Aceito em: 18/05/2021.

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National Moods and Organizational Structures

The Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville ◽

10.3138/ttr.6.2.283 ◽

1984 ◽

Vol 6 (2) ◽

pp. 283-287

Author(s):

Theodore Caplow

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Organizational Structures ◽

The United States ◽

Washington Post ◽

Forthcoming Book ◽

The World

Few foreign visitors have known the United States as well as Michel Crozier. For that matter, few Americans do. When he speaks about “the trouble with America” it behooves us to listen and to mark his words. The Washington Post announced his forthcoming book with a two-column headline, “America, An Adult Nation Can’t Afford Your Illusions,” and that seems to be a fair synopsis. “This is now the time” writes Crozier, “for America to learn again, to forget its dreams of innocence and superiority, to become humble enough to accept that there are lessons to learn from the rest of the world and from the facts” (Crozier, 1984, 5). America, it appears, is a retarded adolescent.

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Catastrophic Success

Drugs and Thugs ◽

10.12987/yale/9780300240344.003.0016 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 229-249

Author(s):

Russell Crandall

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Armed Forces ◽

The United States ◽

Washington Post ◽

Presidential Candidates

This chapter recounts the kidnapping of presidential hopeful Ingrid Betancourt, a half-French senator from Bogotá, after a meeting with other presidential candidates in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia's (FARC) territory to urge the guerrillas to terminate the conflict. It details how the FARC became the de facto state in most coca-growing regions in southern Colombia at the time of Betancourt's kidnapping, with drug revenues of $100 million a year. It also refers to prize-winning reporter Dana Priest, who wrote a Washington Post investigation of the secret U.S. assistance to Colombia in the early 2000s. The chapter explains how Colombian and Ecuadoran security operatives in Quito seized a FARC commander known universally by his guerrilla handle, Simón Trinidad on January 2, 2004. It discusses Alvaro Uribe's unexpected move of bringing several “paramilitary heavyweights” that were imprisoned in various parts of Colombia to the United States to face drug charges.

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An Outpost of Corporatism: the Franchise State on Wall Street

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1017/s0017257x00019874 ◽

1987 ◽

Vol 22 (3) ◽

pp. 206-223

Author(s):

Michael Moran

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Civil Society ◽

Interest Groups ◽

The United States ◽

Political Struggle ◽

Wall Street ◽

Clear Separation ◽

Private Interests ◽

Public Status ◽

Sovereign Authority

Writers on Corporatism Agree about Little but are nevertheless strikingly united in one belief, that America has failed to develop strong corporatist institutions. The two most important collections published in recent years, for instance, both contain papers explaining this supposed American uniqueness. Yet the notion that corporatism is conspicious by its absence is odd. It is indeed true that the United States has failed to develop one particularly ambitious form of corporatism — the organization of capital and labour into central institutions designed to achieve agreed national aims. The essence of corporatism consists, however, of something less than this grand social scheme. It resides in what Offe calls ‘the attribution of public status to interest groups’. Endowing private bodies with public duties and public powers involves crossing a constitutional Rubicon. Behind lie the landscapes of liberal polities, with their open political struggle and comparatively clear separation of government from civil society. Beyond the Rubicon lie the features in Schmitter’s famous description of corporatism — compulsion, hierarchy, monopoly. But these are contingent, not necessary, features. The quintessence of corporatism consists in the effort to endow private interests with sovereign authority. In so doing it challenges the great aim of a liberal polity — the separation of economic from political power — imposing in its place the ‘devolution of public policymaking and enforcement on organised private interests’.

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