scholarly journals O Debate Contemporâneo Sobre o Princípio de Soberania na Literatura Ocidental de Relações Internacionais l The Contemporary Debate on the Principle of Sovereignty in the Western Literature of International Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e58704
Author(s):  
Alice Castelani de Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
Contemporary Debate ◽  
Western Literature ◽  
Production Of Knowledge ◽  
The World ◽  
American Authors ◽  
Contemporary Context

A soberania representa uma das articulações políticas mais importantes da Modernidade, a qual convencionou a separação entre as políticas interna e externa. Posto isso, entendemos que para compreender o mundo em que vivemos é necessário pensar essa categoria à luz do contexto contemporâneo, então, com o objetivo de contribuir para o estudo desse conceito, no presente artigo apresentaremos uma revisão do debate atual sobre a categoria de soberania. Para esse fim, nos apoiaremos em um exame da literatura ocidental de Relações Internacionais (RI), com foco em autores americanos, considerando que a produção de conhecimento dos Estados Unidos (EUA) é preponderante dentro deste campo. Esclarecemos que o debate na esfera destacada pode ser dividido em duas linhas de pesquisa que serão exploradas neste texto. A primeira aborda o aprofundamento da globalização e os efeitos desse processo sobre soberania e a segunda discute como são socialmente construídos os discursos sobre essa categoria.Palavras-Chave: Teoria; Relações Internacionais; Soberania.ABSTRACTSovereignty represents one of the most important political articulations of Modernity, which established the separation between internal and external policies. That said, we understand that in order to understand the world in which we live, it is necessary to think about this category in the light of the contemporary context, so, in order to contribute to the study of this concept, in this article we’ll present a review of the current debate on the category of sovereignty. To that end, we’ll rely on an examination of the Western International Relations (IR) literature, focusing on American authors, considering that the production of knowledge from the United States (USA) is predominant within this field. We clarify that the debate in the highlighted sphere can be divided into two lines of research that will be explored in this text. The first addresses the deepening of globalization and the effects of this process on sovereignty and the second discusses how the speeches about this category are socially constructed.Keywords: Theory; International Relations; Sovereignty. Recebido em: 27/03/2021 | Aceito em: 18/05/2021. 

The Language of Security in Philippine-us Relations

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-146
Author(s):  
Charmaine G. Misalucha
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Language Games ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Way

Abstract There is a need to reformulate the way in which we view international relations. Rather than simply a play at an obscure theater with the same characters reprising their respective roles based on an old script, international relations need to be seen as a play at the world stage whose script is always being reviewed, revised, rewritten, and renegotiated by characters who are actively searching for ways to be accommodated. In this way, the characters and the roles they play are provisional: they become who or what they are because of actions they take, and not necessarily because they are fated to be revered or condemned. To achieve the fluid nature of this script, one must pay attention to language games. These games allow for the participation of both sides of the equation – the Philippines and the United States – in the creation of the structure and direction of their relationship.

American Ideals of International Relations

1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 624-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Bushnell Hart
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Many ◽  
United States Senator

Because of the many contributions made by America to the world's ideals of government, the nation has the feeling that it is quite adequate to work out its own principles on all other subjects without the aid of any other people. “ What have we to do with abroad ? ” said a United States senator from Ohio, only thirty years ago; and the word “ un-American ” covers a multitude of virtues. In fact the roots of American institutions of all kinds, social, economic, and political, are in the traditions of the English race; and American ideals have been modified by the experience of other European nations. Nor has the western hemisphere been separated from the great current of world affairs. Its destinies have been closely interwoven with those of Europe; and since 1895 the United States has awakened to the fact that it not only is a part of the sisterhood of nations, but is destined to be one of the half dozen states which will powerfully influence the future of all the continents. The world is no longer round about America; America is part of the world.

scholarly journals The Gulf War (1990–1991) and new foreign political concept of George Herbert Walker Bush

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Dmitrii N. Khristenko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
George Herbert ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The World

The article examines the foreign policy concept of the «new world order» of George Herbert Walker Bush, which he put forward during the Gulf War (1990-1991). Despite its short duration, the Middle East conflict has become a symbol of the transformation of international relations initiated by the crisis of the bipolar system and arising of the United States as the main military and political world power. Consequently, Washington sought to rethink its role in the world arena. This task was intended to solve by the concept of a «new world order». The main sources for this article were the memoirs of the former American president and James Addison Baker III (U.S. Secretary of State), documents of White House’ administration, as well as publications of «Foreign Affairs» – the most influential journal on international relations in the United States. The research methodology includes the space-time analysis of Fernand Paul Achille Braudel, historical-descriptive and historical-genetic methods. It is noted that the foreign policy concept of a «new world order» was in the centre of public attention and caused a heated discussion in the United States, as a result of which was rejected its main element – reliance on allies and the rule of international law. The attempts of Russian diplomacy to propose a corrected interpretation of the concept of a «new world order» did not meet the understanding overseas. Washington took a course towards sole leadership in the world that triggered the deterioration of the state of affairs in the world arena in the long term.

Nations and Nationalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 578-592
Author(s):  
Scott Paeth
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Community ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines the development of Reinhold Niebuhr’s thoughts on nationalism. Over the course of his lifetime, Niebuhr continually returned to the question of nationalism as a factor in international relations, revising his understanding in light of the particular circumstances confronting the United States and the global community. His early writings on German Americanism yielded to a more sceptical analysis of nationalism as a manifestation of collective egoism, but one which could nevertheless provide important resources to human communities. The threat of Fascist nationalism in the 1930s caused him to yet again revise his understanding of nationalism, as a revitalized form of democratic nationalism became necessary to confront it. The Cold War presented the context for Niebuhr’s mature reflection on the subject, advocating for a form of chastened nationalism, which was aware of both its responsibility to confront evil in the world, as well as its own tendencies towards self-delusion and the abuse of power.

Evaluating Social Services and Refugee Integration in Maryland

2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
Blessing Enekwe
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Refugee Integration ◽  
The World

As a child of immigrants, I have always been interested in issues facing the foreign-born, particularly to the United States. Being exposed to immigrants from around the world helped me understand the different factors that motivated my parents' migration to the United States while realizing that others throughout the world were also heavily impacted by ineffectual home governments. As I delved into political attitudes, international relations, and public policy, my attention continued to turn back to the ways in which policies and attitudes in the United States affect the lives of immigrants. Identifying aspects of social policy that enhance immigrant life in the United States became central to my research interests.

The ‘King and Country’ Debate, 1933: Student Politics, Pacifism and the Dictators

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Ceadel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
News Story ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
The World ◽  
Union President ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Student Politics ◽  
Youth Leader

On 9 February 1933 the Oxford Union debated and carried by 275 votes to 153 the motion ‘That this House will in no circumstances fight for its King and Country’. After a few days this became a major news story, first in Britain then also in the world press: the British embassies in Madrid and Santiago cabled the Foreign Office in alarm at the appearance of the story in the Spanish and Chilean press. The motion was taken up also by student debating societies all over Britain and overseas: in the United States, for example, any pledge to take no part in war came to be known as the ‘Oxford pledge’ or the ‘Oxford oath’. Since the debate, which took place ten days after Hitler had become chancellor of Germany, appeared to contrast British liberal, pacifist effeteness with fascist martial virility it was seized on in Germany and Italy. The Liberal M.P. Robert Bernays told the house of commons how he had been asked about the debate later in 1933 by a prominent Nazi youth leader: ‘There was an ugly gleam in his eye when he said: “The fact is that you English are soft.”’ And on 7 July 1934 Alfred Zimmern, professor of international relations at Oxford, wrote from Geneva to the former Union president responsible for the debate: ‘I hope you do penance every night and every morning for that ill-starred Resolution. It is still going on sowing dragons’ teeth. If the Germans have to be knocked out a second time it will be partly your fault.

scholarly journals Internasionalisasi dan Internalisasi Wacana War on Terror

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Ambrosius Yustinus Kedang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Relations ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Community ◽  
International Norm ◽  
The World ◽  
President Bush

AbstrakPeristiwa 9/11 menimbulkan reaksi tegas dari Amerika Serikat (AS). AS melalui Presiden Bush dalam pidatonya pada tanggal 20 September 2001 menyatakan perang melawan terorisme “War On Teror”. Pernyataan ini dengan cepat menginternasional dan menginternalisasi negara-negara di dunia termasuk Indonesia. War On Teror mengkonstruksi dunia, memberikan identitas, norma, tingkah laku dan kepentingan yang baru bagi aktor-aktor dalam hubungan internasional dan bagi komunitas internasional. Wacana War on Terror kemudian mendorong masing-masing negara untuk membentuk berbagai aturan (norma)  dan lembaga untuk mendukung War on Terror. Aturan-aturan ini mengatur pola tingkah laku dalam negara tersebut dan mengatur dan membentuk pola tingkah laku negara tersebut dalam menjalin hubungan dengan negara lain dalam komunitas internasional.  Dengan teori konstrukstivis, khususnya melalui analisis wacana, penulis menunjukkan proses bagaimana wacana War on Terror menjadi suatu norma internasional dan diinternalisasi oleh berbagai negara di luar Amerika sebagai norma domestiknya. Secara khusus penulis mengangkat Indonesia sebagai contoh proses internalisasi wacana War on Terror.Kata Kunci: Internalisasi, Internasionalisasi, Konstruktivis, Wacana War on Terror. AbstractThe events of 9/11 cause reactions firmly from America. America through President; Bush in his speech on September 20, 2001 declared war against terrorism "War On Terror". This statement has been  quickly internationalized and internalized the countries in the world including Indonesia. War On Terror the construction world, give identity, norms, behaviors and interests of new actors in international relations and for the international community. Discourse about War on Terror forces every country to make some rules and institutions to support War on Terror. These rules regulate the pattern of attitude of the country and also regulate and shape the pattern of attitude of the country in making relations with other countries in international communities. With Constructivism, In particular with discourse analysis the author shows the process of how the discourse of War on Terror becomes an international norm and internalized by many countries outside the United States as its domestic norms. In particular the author raised the Indonesia as an example of the process of internalization of the discourse of War on Terror.Keywords: Constructivism, Discourse War on Terror, Internalization, Internationalization.

scholarly journals Contemporary concepts of US foreign policy: opportunities and reality

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
The World ◽  
The Impact

The article analyzes the current concepts of US foreign policy, the direction of US foreign policy, and examines the economic background of US foreign policy. In particular, the fundamental indicators of US economic development have been studied, which allow the state to be a regional and world leader and pursue a hegemony strategy. The subject of research in the article is to determine the general and specific aspects of US foreign policy at the present stage. The goal is to determine the impact of US policy on the geopolitical transformation of the world. Objectives: the study of modern concepts of US foreign policy in the context of globalization and regionalization of the world. The study used the following general scientific methods: using the system analysis, the evolution of the US foreign policy in the globalization languages of the world was considered; In order to generalize the activities of various administrations and governments, compare their positions on shaping the country's foreign policy, a comparative historical method was used. relationship. The following results were obtained: on the basis of the analysis of the current US policy, the political strategies of the United States in Europe and the Middle East were discovered and analyzed in detail. Conclusions: The United States remains the key actor in international relations at the present stage, and so far retains its influence on the processes in the world. US foreign policy is aimed at stabilizing international relations in such key regions as the Middle East and the EU. A comprehensive analysis of the presidents and their administrations suggests the continuity of US foreign policy in the Middle East. With the arrival of D. Trump, the foreign policy of American Republicans is saturated with power and cruelty.

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