scholarly journals Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response: A Case Study of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Veena Kukreja

This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-303
Author(s):  
Onjung Yang

Korea has experienced ideological changes in the political sphere since society experienced ethnic diversity in the 1990s. The government urgently introduced new policy agenda ‘Damunhwa’ – multicultural – in the wake of up-surging social problems such as embracing cultural differences and human rights of foreigners as a salient issue following multicultural explosion with a large number of foreigners. As a result, many scholars argue that the Korean state response to cultural diversity has shifted from differential exclusion to assimilation toward immigrants in current society. However, it should be mentioned that it is implausible to link assimilation with a successful political ideology to manage ethnic diversity effectively. In this article, I argue that it is time to present a new political ideology for future directions in order to integrate ethnic minorities into a universally acceptable manner through consideration of the theory of group-differentiated rights in the context of Korean society.


Author(s):  
Yuri Teper

This chapter demonstrates how and why a shift in the balance between civic and religious elements of a civil religion can take place, using Russia as an illuminating case study. Post-Soviet Russia is used to demonstrate how religion can be utilized to reinforce national identity and the legitimacy of the political system in the face of their civic weaknesses. The chapter demonstrates how, eventually, the civic-democratic political model officially designated during Yeltsin's presidency gradually changed to a more religiously grounded one, albeit a model that is not fully recognized, during Putin's rule. Moreover, the Russian case allows us to differentiate between two possible levels of civil religion: an official and openly communicated secularism, and an established church religion, promoted by the establishment in more subtle but not necessarily less aggressive ways. It further shows that just as the state has to adopt religious features in order to be deified, religious institutions have themselves to become more secular to be suitable for adoption as the state's civil religion.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Lee ◽  
Justin R Ellis ◽  
Chloe Keel ◽  
Jonathan Jackson ◽  
Rebecca Wickes

The political economy of crime and insecurity has long been a topic of scholarly work. The leveraging of fear of crime for political capital has been of particular concern. Australia provides an interesting case study in the dynamics of such politics, and this article focuses on the state of Victoria, where prior to the 2018 state election crime became a significant political issue, particularly through racialized discourse about ‘African gangs'. Considering why the politics of law and order failed, we conclude with the idea that the political economy of crime and insecurity needs to be understood in the context of broader individual, community, and social vulnerabilities related to protective factors regarding the fear of crime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-249
Author(s):  
Catherine Arthur

Since regaining its independence in 2002, nation-building has been the focus of much scholarly research on Timor-Leste. National identity construction is a crucial aspect of this process, yet the ways in which this identity is officially represented has been largely overlooked. This article takes the national flag of Timor-Leste as a case study to explore the ways in which a historic East Timorese national identity has been symbolically constructed and visually embodied. By considering the potency of flags in an East Timorese cultural context, and by analysing the origins of Timor-Leste's flag alongside that of the political party Fretilin (Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente), it becomes clear that post-independence re-imaginings of its symbolism have rendered it a powerful national symbol in the contemporary nation-state.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1284-1307
Author(s):  
Yuri Teper

This chapter demonstrates how and why a shift in the balance between civic and religious elements of a civil religion can take place, using Russia as an illuminating case study. Post-Soviet Russia is used to demonstrate how religion can be utilized to reinforce national identity and the legitimacy of the political system in the face of their civic weaknesses. The chapter demonstrates how, eventually, the civic-democratic political model officially designated during Yeltsin's presidency gradually changed to a more religiously grounded one, albeit a model that is not fully recognized, during Putin's rule. Moreover, the Russian case allows us to differentiate between two possible levels of civil religion: an official and openly communicated secularism, and an established church religion, promoted by the establishment in more subtle but not necessarily less aggressive ways. It further shows that just as the state has to adopt religious features in order to be deified, religious institutions have themselves to become more secular to be suitable for adoption as the state's civil religion.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Julia Droeber

In this paper, I take issue with the theory and practice of inter-religious competence, based on a case-study of the Samaritans of Nablus. I take as a starting point the contemporary observation that inter-religious relations in Nablus are relatively peaceful, which in most models of inter-religious competence would be considered a product of successfully acquired and implemented inter-religious competences. A second observation, that runs against the grain of all models of inter-religious competence, is that Samaritans do not seem to discuss religious issues in public at all. I try to show that this strategy of avoidance is largely the result of historical experiences, which made “walking between the raindrops” seem the most successful way to maintain social peace. Furthermore, I attempt to demonstrate that the strategy of avoidance is one applied in public, but not in private discourses, which, in turn, I identify as a second strategy of inter-religious competence found in the Nablus context but not in pedagogical models. A third aspect, not mentioned in theoretical models of inter-religious competences, is the political context, which, in the case of Nablus, is marked by a strong discursive emphasis on local and national identity—against an external “enemy”—that overrides any religious boundaries.


Author(s):  
Monica Mookherjee

This chapter examines debates about multiculturalism in political theory. In the 1990s, some argued that it was impossible not to be in favour of multiculturalism. However, recent events, such as the bomb attack at Burgas airport in Bulgaria and the shootings by a lone gunman in France (both occurred in 2012), have led some to fear that supporting cultural diversity undermines a strong national identity. These critics have called vigorously for assimilation, as opposed to multicultural thinkers who prefer the notion of integration. This chapter considers themes such as thick and thin multiculturalism, cultural rights, multiculturalism and oppression, and the politics of recognition. A case study on the Muslim veil is presented, along with Key Thinkers boxes featuring Yael Tamir, Will Kymlicka, Charles Taylor, and Bhikhu Parekh.


Author(s):  
Javier Gallardo

Resumen: Este artículo reconstruye algunos discursos fundacionales de una autocomprensión ciudadana de la identidad nacional en el Uruguay, relevando dos momentos representativos del ideario y el lenguaje político sobre la ciudadanía uruguaya y su ascendiente en las trayectorias políticas del país. Uno de ellos, identificado con el componente político de una ciudadanía monolítica o escindida de la sociedad, informado por un vacío identitario originario y por el imaginario de un autogobierno republicano. El otro, animado por diversos discursos que, a propósito de la integración política de los extranjeros, vendrán a privilegiar los atributos sociales o culturales de los ciudadanos y sus aptitudes para reproducir un orden político estable, dando así un nuevo giro estandarizado a las identidades ciudadanas. Si bien estas reconstrucciones genealógicas permiten apreciar las conexiones conceptuales de estos lenguajes con las teorías convencionales de la ciudadanía también dejan entrever algunos persistentes déficits en la autoidentificación pluralista y democrática de la política uruguaya.Palabras clave: Ciudadanía, república, nación, democracia, inmigración.Abstract: This paper reconstructs some of the foundational discourses of a citizen's self-understanding view of the national identity in Uruguay, revealing two representative moments of the set of ideas and the political language about the Uruguayan citizenship and its ascendancy in the political trajectories of the country. One of them, identified with the political component of a monolithic citizenship or rifted from society, informed by an original identity gap and by the imaginary of a republican self-government. The other, animated by various speeches that, regarding to the political integration of foreigners, will come to privilege the social or cultural attributes of citizens and their aptitudes to reproduce a stable political order, thus giving a new standardized turn to citizen identities. Although these genealogical reconstructions make it possible to appreciate the conceptual connections of these languages with the conventional theories of citizenship, they also reveal some persistent deficits in the pluralistic and democratic self-identification of Uruguayan politics.Keywords: Citizenship, republic, nation, democracy, immigration.


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