Political Ideology and Cultural Diversity in South Korea: Toward a Theory of Group-differentiated Rights

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-303
Author(s):  
Onjung Yang
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Korean Society ◽  
State Response ◽  
The Government ◽  
Korean State

Korea has experienced ideological changes in the political sphere since society experienced ethnic diversity in the 1990s. The government urgently introduced new policy agenda ‘Damunhwa’ – multicultural – in the wake of up-surging social problems such as embracing cultural differences and human rights of foreigners as a salient issue following multicultural explosion with a large number of foreigners. As a result, many scholars argue that the Korean state response to cultural diversity has shifted from differential exclusion to assimilation toward immigrants in current society. However, it should be mentioned that it is implausible to link assimilation with a successful political ideology to manage ethnic diversity effectively. In this article, I argue that it is time to present a new political ideology for future directions in order to integrate ethnic minorities into a universally acceptable manner through consideration of the theory of group-differentiated rights in the context of Korean society.

scholarly journals Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response: A Case Study of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Veena Kukreja
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Persistent Problem ◽  
State Response ◽  
Ethnic Divide

This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.

Thatcherism: An Historical Perspective

1999 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 17-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. H. H. Green
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Election Manifesto

Margaret Thatcher resigned as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative party in November 1990, but both she and the political ideology to which her name has been appended continue to fascinate pundits and scholars. Indeed, since Thatcher's resignation in November 1990, curiosity about her political legacy has, if anything, increased, fuelled in part by the memoirs produced by the ex-premier herself and a large number of her one-time Cabinet colleagues. Since the early 1980s the bulk of work that has appeared on Thatcherism has been dominated either by what one might describe as the ‘higher journalism’ or by political science scholarship, both of which have been most exercised by the questions of what Thatcherism was and where it took British politics and society. In this essay I want to look at Thatcherism from an historical perspective and thus ask a different question, namely where did Thatcherism, and in particular the political economy of Thatcherism, come from?Given that Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative party in 1975 this might seem a logical starting-point from which to track Thatcherism's origins. Some have argued, however, that Thatcher's election in itself was of little importance, in that the Conservative party's leadership contest in 1975 was a competition not to be Edward Heath, and that Thatcher won because she was more obviously not Edward Heath than anyone else. This emphasis on the personal aspects of the leadership issue necessarily plays down any ideological significance of Thatcher's victory, a point often reinforced by reference to the fact that key elements of the policy agenda that came to be associated with Thatcherism, notably privatisation, were by no means clearly articulated in the late 1970s and did not appear in the Conservative Election Manifesto of 1979.

scholarly journals ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEACHING IN INDONESIA: A CONTINUOUS CHALLENGE IN EDUCATION AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 57 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Marcellino
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Learning Outcomes ◽  
English Language ◽  
Language Teaching ◽  
English Language Teaching ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Backgrounds ◽  
The Government ◽  
Language Environment

The linguistic situations and conditions in Indonesia are quite complex by their own natures as more than seven hundred vernaculars with their various dialects from a great number of ethnic groups have been used as media of communication in the country. Accordingly, the success of English teaching in Indonesia cannot be freed from the students' cultural backgrounds, values, customs, and beliefs as well as the political standpoint of the government regarding this foreign language. English language teaching has then undergone more than four changes in its curriculum since the country's independence and brought no significant impact upon the learning outcomes. This study reveals the substantial unconstructive influence of the students' cultures and the non-conducive language environment affecting their language acquisition. Other aspects related to the teachers' performance and class preparations equally contribute to the ineffective classroom interactions. This study offers some practical suggestions to cope with those problems.

The Politics of Growth in South Korea

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Myung-Koo Kang
Keyword(s):  
Developmental State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Polarization ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Welfare State

This article examines the political origins of South Korea’s rapid economic development in the 1960s and 1970s, with emphasis on the enduring effects of the developmental state era. It begins by considering developments since 1980, including the influence of democratization, the causes and consequences of the financial crisis of 1997–1998, and the market-oriented reforms pursued by the government in the wake of the crisis. It then discusses the legacy of the developmental state era in the coverage of the welfare state, along with the liberalization of the Korean economy beginning in the 1980s. The article documents South Korea’s transition into a market economy, marked by reforms in the financial sector and corporate governance, as well as reforms in foreign direct investment and even labor markets. Finally, it appraises a number of challenges that the Korean political economy must deal with, including growing economic and social polarization, inequality, and the social policy agenda.

scholarly journals Poverty Alleviation and Peace Building in Multiethnic Societies: The Need for Multiculturalist Governance in the Philipines

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Macapado A Muslim
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Governance Framework ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ethnocultural Diversity ◽  
Multiethnic Societies ◽  
Ethnocultural Minorities ◽  
Peace And Development

This paper is about the twin challenges of poverty alleviation and peace building in multiethnic countries. It argues that alleviating poverty and achieving peace require the transformation of their politics and governance in multiethnic societies to become multiculturalist. This means making their governance responsive to the challenges and requirements of cultural diversity. Moreover, focusing on the Philippine situation, the paper stresses the urgency of evolving a cultural diversity-friendly political formula for the government to achieve the twin goals of peace and development, particularly in relation to its ethnocultural minorities like the Bangsa Moro of Southern Philippines. Part II of this paper discusses the inextricable link between peace and development, while Part III elucidates some of the political, socio-economic, cultural and security determinants of ethnic conflict. Part IV presents some features of governance warranted by the ethnocultural diversity of multiethnic societies, while Part V analyzes the Philippine situation using the multiculturalist governance framework. Part VI provides some concluding statements.

scholarly journals Some Reflections on the Political Economy of Monetary Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
Jakob de Haan
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Central Bank Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
Redistributive Effects ◽  
The Impact

AbstractDuring the past decades, central bank independence has been increased in a large number of countries. However, even an independent central bank does not operate in a political vacuum. For instance, governments generally appoint political allies, presuming that consequently the central bank will follow policies that are in line with the governments’ preferences. The first part of this paper reviews recent research on whether the political ideology of the government has any impact on monetary policies pursued. It is argued that if forward-looking data are used to estimate Taylor-rule models for a panel of OECD countries that take country heterogeneity into account, there is no strong evidence for partisan effects on monetary policy. One of the reasons that central bank independence is no longer taken for granted is the acclaimed redistributive effects of monetary policy. The second part of the paper reviews recent research on the impact of conventional and unconventional monetary policy on income and wealth inequality. It is concluded that empirical research provides very mixed evidence on these issues and that it is not well connected to recent theoretical work.

scholarly journals To the question on power and society in the political ontology of Y. F. Samarin and Slavophiles

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Svetlana Igorevna Skorokhodova
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Church And State ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Silver Age ◽  
Spiritual Culture ◽  
The Government ◽  
Moscow School

The object of this research is the problem of power and society in the political ontology. The indicated problem is viewed in the works of the founder of political philosophy in Russia Y. F. Samarin in the context of teaching of the representatives of “Moscow School”. An attempt is made to demonstrate the multidimensionality of the philosopher’s key ideas and avoid their simplifications and distortions. The evolution of Samarin’s philosophical-political views is described: the initial stage of this writings is focused on the eschatological pursuits, the take roots in the Russian spiritual culture and are associated with the ideas of transformed power, grateful type of being; the next period is concentrated on the ida of national policy, when the power must originate with people, strengthen the interethnic unity and serve to the historical calling of Russia, rather that the distracted political beginning. The analysis of Samarin’s views on power led to the following conclusions: the philosopher believed that it is essential to respect boundaries between the church and state life, but underlines the need of spiritual influence upon the power; each new form of power had to comply with the organic social development, be generated by it, rather than be created artificially or borrowed; the government should lean on the enlightened nation, rather than on cosmopolitan leadership. It is claimed that Samarin’s political position – the “revolutionary conservatism”, which essence consists not in destruction, but construction of the state supported by spiritual culture of Russia and peculiarities of its national pattern, but at the same time in uncompromised antagonism to everything impeding well-being the superpower. It is concluded that the political ontology of Y. F. Samaring and classical Slavophiles became the foundation for philosophical-political constructs of the thinkers of Silver Age and white émigré. Some of his ideas may become the foundation for political ideology of modern Russia.

scholarly journals Umat Islam di Filipina Selatan: Sejarah, Perjuangan, dan Rekonsiliasi

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifullah SA Saifullah SA
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Near Future

This paper deals mainly with the political struggle of the people of Southern Philippine for independence. To a large extent, this paper is about the investigation of the political ideology of these people. To start with, the paper distinguishes between two opposing groups, namely the government and the Muslim group demanding for independence. The Muslims in their turn were then classified into two groups, the one is radical pursuing for political change through political –often violent- activities, and the other is moderate urging for a better life especially for Muslims through a peaceful, constructive, legal, and constitutional means. The paper argues that the government of the Philippine has shown its willingness to find ways of solving the problems through dialogue and peace process. The paper is also interested in discussing the view expressed by Peter Gowing who believes that in the near future the Muslims of the Philippine would be divided into two groups. The one successfully forms autonomous quasi-independent Muslim territories, and the other sticks to the national government having a strong consciousness to work toward the national integration and harmony.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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