Welfare lobby groups responding to globalization

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (6) ◽  
pp. 693-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Mendes

English Theories of globalization suggest that national lobby groups continue to exert influence on social policy agendas and outcomes. Yet little has been written about the impact of globalization on the political and ideological context within which pro-welfare state advocacy groups operate. This article explores the response of an Australian welfare lobby group to the challenges posed by globalization. French Les théories de la mondialisation soutiennent que les groupes de pression nationaux continuent d'exercer leur influence sur les projets et les définitions des politiques sociales. Pourtant, on recense peu d'écrits sur la façon dont la mondialisation influence le contexte politique et idéologique dans lequel travaillent les groupes de pression en faveur de l'aide sociale. Cette étude explore la position d'un groupe de pression australien en égard aux défis de la mondialisation. Spanish Las teorías de la globalización sugieren que los grupos nacionales de presión continúan ejerciendo influencia en las agendas y resultados de la política social. Se ha escrito poco sobre el impacto de la globalización en el contexto política social. Se ha escrito poco sobre el impacto de la globalización en el contexto político e ideológico, en el cual operan los grupos que abogan en pro del bienestar. Este artículo explora las respuestas de un grupo australiano de presión por el bienestar, frente a los desafióos que ofrece la globalización.

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Godwin ◽  
Colin Lawson

This paper explores the impact of the decision to make the Working Tax Credit (WTC) payable via the employer, until March 2006. A unique survey shows the unequal distribution of compliance costs across firms and industries. It also suggests that the arrangement had some unanticipated results, and may have damaged the effectiveness of the WTC. Some employers' compliance costs may have been shifted to employees. So from a social policy perspective administration is policy – the delivery system affects outcomes. However the switch to payments through HMRC from April 2006 does not remove all compliance costs from employers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 239-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth McLaughlin

Purpose – Much social policy research today is commissioned, published and publicised by organisations with direct involvement in that particular aspect of policy. Whilst much good can result from such “advocacy research”, at times the tactics employed by some groups have been criticised for exaggerated claims making and sensationalist reporting as they attempt to get their particular issue into the political and public domain and also generate more government funding and/or increase public donations. The purpose of this paper is to investigate such claims. Design/methodology/approach – In this paper the author wishes to look at some of the tactics utilised by advocacy groups in order to establish the legitimacy of their particular concern. The author focuses on material published by Action for Children and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children and between 2010 and 2012 in relation to child maltreatment, critically analysing them from a social constructionist standpoint and drawing on aspects of moral panic theory. Findings – The paper concludes by warning of the dangers for both social policy and related practice that can arise from uncritically accepting the claims of contemporary moral entrepreneurs. Originality/value – This paper uses theoretical concepts to analyse contemporary campaigns by two charity organisations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik

Social policy matters have long been considered women’s issues. Extant research has documented a strong link between gender and the policies of the welfare state in the legislative, executive and electoral arenas. Yet what determines the strength of this association has largely been left unexplored. Drawing on tokenism theory, this article proposes gender diversity at the group level as a key explanatory factor. It hypothesizes that the gender gap in social policy diminishes as the female representation in a political party increases. To test this argument, it examines almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 politicians during four election campaigns in Austria between 2002 and 2013. The analysis demonstrates that women talk more about social policy issues during election campaigns than men, but that this emphasis gap disappears for parties with a more equal gender balance. These results have important implications for our understanding of the politics of gender and social policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER STARKE ◽  
ALEXANDRA KAASCH ◽  
FRANCA VAN HOOREN

AbstractBased on empirical findings from a comparative study on welfare state responses to the four major economic shocks (the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession, the 2008 financial crisis) in four OECD countries, this article demonstrates that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, policy responses to global economic crises vary significantly across countries. What explains the cross-national and within-case variation in responses to crises? We discuss several potential causes of this pattern and argue that political parties and the party composition of governments can play a key role in shaping crisis responses, albeit in ways that go beyond traditional partisan theory. We show that the partisan conflict and the impact of parties are conditioned by existing welfare state configurations. In less generous welfare states, the party composition of governments plays a decisive role in shaping the direction of social policy change. By contrast, in more generous welfare states, i.e., those with highly developed automatic stabilisers, the overall direction of policy change is regularly not subject to debate. Political conflict in these welfare states rather concerns the extent to which expansion or retrenchment is necessary. Therefore, a clear-cut partisan impact can often not be shown.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Walker

This article examines the relationship between poverty and the welfare state and attempts to answer the question as to why poverty has persisted under all welfare states. Several major reasons for the persistence of poverty are advanced, and the author argues that the main factor underlying the failure to abolish poverty is the conflict between economic policy and social policy. The challenge to welfare states from the New Right is examined—particularly the contention that welfare states themselves create poverty and dependence—in the light of evidence of the impact of the Thatcher government's policies in Britain. Finally, the author proposes an alternative approach to the abolition of poverty, one that is based on the integration of economic and social policy.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Birrell ◽  
Alan Murie

ABSTRACTSocial policy in Northern Ireland offers examples of social policies strongly influenced by ideological considerations. There are a number of factors which determine how susceptible services and policies are to ideological influences. Some services are particularly sensitive to ideological values and demands, for example, education. In certain areas the distribution of services and the allocation of resources has been significant in maintaining the political structure. The distribution of administrative responsibility, the absence of pressure from Britain for maintaining parity in social services, and the absence of non-secretarian pressures on the government are other significant factors. The process of analysing problems and formulating social policy reflects deep ideological divisions. This can be contrasted with the rational, empirical and pragmatic models of policy making, implicit in the development of social policy in Britain. With some minor modifications the British model of the Welfare State operates in Northern Ireland. In some areas it operates to serve ends other than those of redistribution or meeting social need. This provides insights into some of the assumptions made about social policy and the Welfare State in Britain.


Author(s):  
Fred Powell

This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. The book has evaluated the political meaning and social reality of the Irish welfare state at the centenary point of the Irish revolution (1913–23). It argued that unlike many other modern democratic societies, the term ‘welfare state’ has had a weak political resonance in the lexicon of Irish social policy discourse. This reflects the weakness of the modernist project in Ireland and the absence of a classical European left-right political divide that gave shape to modern democratic politics. A more socially just republic will involve a universal welfare state charged with tackling the challenges of insecure job markets, scarce housing, and overstretched public services as a democratic imperative. A universal welfare state will also involve ten core social policy initiatives, including a universal health and social care system funded from taxation, ending child poverty, and addressing social inequality.


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