The Russian Revolution and Spanish Communists, 1931–5

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-912
Author(s):  
Lisa A. Kirschenbaum

The article examines connections between Spanish communists and the Russian Revolution of 1917. Focusing on the period beginning with the founding of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931, it analyzes how ‘revolutionary’ Spain not only borrowed from the Soviet experience but also became an emotional core of the international communist project. To examine these exchanges, the article investigates two topics that are often treated separately: the revolutionary ‘brotherhood’ of Soviet and Spanish writers (focusing on Rafael Alberti and María Teresa León) and the lessons learned by ordinary communists at the Comintern’s International Lenin School. It argues that these varied interactions were part of a single, multifaceted phenomenon: the creation of complex revolutionary networks in the years before the Spanish civil war. From this perspective, ‘world revolution’ can be understood not only as a ‘faith’ that came from Russia but also as a lived reality shaped by multidirectional – if also Soviet-dominated – institutional and personal exchanges.

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 324-368
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Grantseva ◽  

For many years, representatives of Soviet and then Russian historical science paid special attention to the period of the Second Spanish Republic and, especially, to the events of 1936-1939. The Spanish Civil War was and remains a topic that attracts the attention of specialists and influences the development of a multifaceted Russian-Spanish cultural dialogue. There are significantly fewer works on the peaceful years of the Republic, which is typical not only for domestic science, but also for the historiography of this period as a whole. Four key periods can be distinguished in the formation of the national historiography of the Spanish Republic. The first is associated with the existence of the Republic itself and is distinguished by significant political engagement. The second opens after 1956 and combines the continuity with respect to the period of the 1930s. and, at the same time, striving for objectivity, developing methodology and expanding the source base. The third stage is associated with the period of the 1970s-1980s, the time of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Spain, as well as the active interaction of historians of the two countries. The fourth stage, which lasted thirty years, was the time of the formation of the Russian historiography of the Second Republic, which sought to get rid of the ideological attitudes that left a significant imprint on the research of the Soviet period. This time is associated with the active archival work of researchers and the publication of sources, the expansion of topics, interdisciplinary approaches. Among the studies of the history of the Second Republic outside Spain, Russian historiography has a special place due to the specifics of Soviet-Spanish relations during the Civil War, and the archival funds in our country, and the traditions of Russian historical Spanish studies, and the preservation of republican memory.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Godínez Páez

RESUMEN El presente artículo brinda una mirada panorámica del exilio español a México tras el estallido de la Guerra Civil española en 1936. Se inicia con un recuento histórico de las vidas de los exiliados españoles, desde la llegada de los niños de Morelia y la creación de La Casa de España hasta su eventual adaptación al país que los recibió. Se discuten brevemente las dificultades a las que se enfrentaron los exiliados tras su llegada, para después puntualizar la manera en la que su integración repercutiría en la vida cultural, académica y científica del México de la época. Además de lo anterior se dedica un espacio a Luis Buñuel y sus aportaciones al cine mexicano. Independientemente de que la llegada de Buñuel a México se da por razones distintas a las de los exiliados su estancia en el país coincide con la de otros compatriotas exiliados. ABSTRACT This article offers a panoramic view of the Spanish exile to Mexico after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. It begins with a look back at the lives of the Spanish exiles; from the arrival of Los niños de Morelia and the creation of La Casa de España up until their eventual adaptation to the country that received them. The difficulties that the exiles faced after their arrival are briefly discussed to later point out how their integration influenced the cultural, academic and scientific Mexico of that time. In addition to what’s previously stated, there’s a space dedicated to Luis Buñuel and his contributions to the Mexican film industry. Aside from the fact that Buñuel’s arrival happens for different reasons from the exiles’, his residing in the country coincides with that of other exile countrymen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Weld

AbstractThis article reveals the influence of the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) on both the reformers of Guatemala's ‘Revolutionary Spring’ (1944–54) and the reactionaries who overthrew Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. It shows how officials in the Arévalo and Arbenz administrations looked to the defeated Second Spanish Republic as a moral and political example, while local opponents of those administrations treated Spain's Nationalist insurgency and Francisco Franco's dictatorship as models for how to exterminate communism. In so doing, the article argues for the importance of multi-sited transnational Cold War histories that complement existing studies of US intervention.


1980 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
James McCarthy

The Spanish theatre in the twentieth century has often been criticized for its allegedly poor and unoriginal qualities, only Lorca and Valle-Inclán being widely accepted as dramatists who sought to revitalize the theatre of their day. The period of the Civil War, however, was a time when a number of writers, such as Max Aub, Miguel Hernández and Rafael Alberti, made important experiments with political theatre which are as yet largely unstudied. It is the aim of this article to redress the balance somewhat, by suggesting that the Civil War was not a disaster for the Spanish theatre but gave rise to radical innovations which have generally been neglected, such as Alberti's 1937 adaptation of Cervantes's tragedy El cerco de Numancia (c. 1580–7).


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 275-288
Author(s):  
Mercedes Rivas Arjona

ABSTRACTThe Second Republic in Spain was affected by numerous changes in all areas that affect as well greatly to the prostitution´s field. The modifications in the system of prostitution shall be based mainly in the law, sanitary-assistance and propaganda. These changes will count with clear previous historic events, will have a short life because the short period of republic-government, and affect, in some cases, to very specific sectors of the republican fields. Never the less, introduce innovation elements, that in the case to have won the Second Republic in the Spanish Civil War, maybe would had been affected deeply all reality about prostitution world. The action of republic-government can be used as example today to face a hard and complex problem. The innovative proposals, the action in few fields at the same times, and knowhow to build on the already built, they are the three elements more relevant of the policy to face the prostitution.RESUMENLa Segunda República en España estará marcada por numerosas reformas en todos los ámbitos que afectarán también de forma muy importante al mundo de la prostitución. Los cambios en el sistema prostitucional se asentarán principalmente en los campos legislativo, sanitario-asistencial y publicitario. Dichos cambios contarán con claros antecedentes históricos, tendrán un recorrido escaso dada la duración del gobierno republicano, y se circunscribirán, en algunos casos, a sectores muy concretos del imaginario republicano. Pese a todo, introducirán elementos tremendamente innovadores que, de haber triunfado la República en la Guerra Civil española, muy posiblemente hubieran trastocado profundamente todo lo relacionado con el mundo de la prostitución. Su actuación puede servirnos de ejemplo en la actualidad para hacer frente a un problema que encierra una gran complejidad. Las propuestas innovadoras, su actuación en varios campos al mismo tiempo y su saber construir sobre lo ya construido, son los tres elementos más destacados de sus políticas para hacer frente a la prostitución.


Author(s):  
Néstor Pastor Beato

El presente artículo es un fragmento del Trabajo Final de Máster que se defendió en septiembre de 2017, fue tutorizado por el profesor D. Gil Pecharromán en el marco del Máster de la España Contemporánea en el Contexto Internacional de la UNED. El trabajo consistió en una investigación sobre la importancia que tuvo la asociación de veteranos de guerra Hermandad de Alféreces Provisionales[1], cuya creación marcó la agenda política de la dictadura de finales de los años 50.  Con el trabajo, resumido en el artículo, se pretendía lograr un triple objetivo: llenar el vacío historiográfico existente en referencia a la creación de la HAP, aportar documentación nueva que apoye o no la tesis dominante de que la HAP fue una creación del Ejército como altavoz político en la escena pública; y por último, la tesis inicial del trabajo era que la HAP surgió como una idea espontánea de un grupo de veteranos alféreces provisionales, y que únicamente cuando esa idea se convirtió en una asociación con millares de miembros, el Ejército intervino para mediatizarla.his article is a fragment of a bigger research about the origin and initally importance of a civil war veteran association called «Hermandad de Alféreces Provisionales», whose apparition was really important in Francoist politics of the fifties. The «Alféreces Provisionales» were the core of the Francois army during the Spanish Civil War, and later on they were formed an important lobby inside the dictatorship regime.With the thesis, summarized in this article, there were three objectives to achieve: fill the lack of knowledge about the creation of the «HAP», get new evidence to support or not the most accepted theory,  that says that the «HAP» was a creation of the army as a way of getting more influence in politics; and finally, the initial theory of the thesis was that the  «HAP» was an unplanned project of the veterans, and only when they became a successful association, the Army intervened to control them.[1] En adelante HAP.


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