scholarly journals The Political Economy of Lulism and Its Aftermath

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruy Braga ◽  
Fábio Luis Barbosa dos Santos

President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment should be framed as part of the crisis of the Lulist mode of regulation of social conflict. The Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) presidencies lost their functionality from the standpoint of the interests of the traditional ruling classes of the country, led by the financial sector. The breakdown of Lulism was the exhaustion of the mediation between the predatory aspirations of the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the rights and aspirations of workers. This exhaustion was first evident in June 2013 and became acute in the subsequent years as the government was confronted with economic crises and corruption scandals. The Temer administration’s open confrontation of the working class pointed to a return of workers’ living conditions to the nineteenth century, but these measures reflected not a turning point but simply an acceleration of the pace of the prevailing politics. The collaboration of the ruling PT in confusing, calming, and alienating the popular classes helps explain the negligible popular reaction to the impeachment, the antipopular assault led by Temer, and Lula’s arrest. O impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff deve ser enquadrado como parte da crise do modo lulista de regulamentação dos conflitos sociais. As presidências do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) perderam sua funcionalidade do ponto de vista dos interesses das classes dominantes tradicionais do país, lideradas pelo setor financeiro. O colapso do lulismo foi o esgotamento da mediação entre as aspirações predatórias da burguesia brasileira e os direitos e aspirações dos trabalhadores. Essa exaustão ficou evidente pela primeira vez em junho de 2013 e se tornou aguda nos anos seguintes, quando o governo foi confrontado com crises econômicas e escândalos de corrupção. O confronto aberto do governo Temer com a classe trabalhadora apontou para o retorno das condições de vida dos trabalhadores ao século XIX, mas essas medidas refletiram não um ponto de virada, mas simplesmente uma aceleração do ritmo das políticas vigentes. A colaboração do PT no poder de confundir, acalmar e alienar as classes populares ajuda a explicar a insignificante reação popular ao impeachment, o ataque antipopular liderado por Temer e a prisão de Lula.

1998 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dick Howard

LIKE MANY OF HIS APHORISMS, MARX'S DESIGNATION OF THE FRENCH as the model political nation (leaving the economy to the English and philosophy for the Germans) contained enough of a grain of truth to remain relevant for over a century. Since 1989, the idea of politics based on the revolutionary experience begun in 1789 and pursued by a unified and international working-class subject has lost its utility for understanding the political choices facing modern industrial democracies. Nowhere is the need for a new understanding of the political more clear than in France itself, as illustrated by the strikes that paralysed the country for more than three weeks in November and December of 1995 and forced the government to retreat. While some saw the birth of a ‘social movement’, cheered the victory of society against the state, or imagined that class struggle had begun anew, the more pessimistic argued that the French had once again proven themselves incapable of political reform. The former presuppose a model of politics from the nineteenth century, the latter look forward to a globalized twenty-first century. For those of us still living in the twentieth, analysis of the French strikes can help us to understand how politics can make the shape of the twentyfirst century less inevitable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


1977 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Mackenzie ◽  
Harry Braverman

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-230
Author(s):  
Michael Hanagan

The process of proletarianization and its role in the shaping of working class consciousness has captured the attention of French social historians over the last ten years. Until recently, works on French labor history generally neglected the formation of the working class to concentrate on the origins of national working-class parties or trade unions; thus, general histories of the political ‘workers’ movement' abound, to the detriment of occupational or regional studies. As early as 1971, Rolande Trempé's thèse asserted that the transition from godfearing peasant to socialistic proletarian had only just begun when a man put down his hoe and took up a pickaxe. In Les mineurs de Carmaux, Trempé showed the evolving social and political conditions which led coalminers in southwestern France to espouse trade unionism and socialism. The recently published thése of Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la region lyonnaise, provides another benchmark in the study of nineteenth-century working class history. Lequin reveals that, for the pre-1914 period in the Lyonnais region of France, the dynamics of proletarianization were more important in promoting worker militancy than its end result, the appearance of an industrial proletariat.


1966 ◽  
Vol 15 (58) ◽  
pp. 131-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.M. Goldstrom

Throughout the nineteenth century, books, pamphlets and periodicals offered widely-ranging advice to the working class. One theme, appearing about 1820, was political economy: ‘Next to religion’, a royal commission reported, ‘the knowledge most important to a labouring man is that of the causes which regulate the amount of his wages, the hours of his work, the regularity of his employment, and the prices of what he consumes’. And Richard Whately, former Drummond Professor of political economy at Oxford, now archbishop of Dublin, urged similarly the need to teach political economy to the poor : ‘The lower orders’, he said, ‘would not … be, as now, liable to the misleading of every designing demagogue … If they were well grounded in the outlines of the science, it would go further towards rendering them provident, than any other scheme that could be devised.’


Author(s):  
I. A. Sviridov ◽  
S. B. Sborshikov

At present, the reconstruction and modernization of urban development is provided in many cities of Russia. This is due to the fact that living conditions of the population do not meet the modern requirements. The government cannot solve this problem without the involvement of the private sector and population, for which it is necessary to develop an organizational model for the program implementation which identifies the participants, forms mechanisms for their interaction, coordinates the program with public opinion, adjusts the legislative and regulatory framework, conducts research into technical, engineering, social historical, demographic, historical, architectural, transport and environmental aspects of the renovation program. To identify the first results of this program, it is necessary to analyze them. The article shows what happens during the implementation of the renovation program which affects the interests of the population of our country and the political and macroeconomic stability of the country. In order to increase the effectiveness of renovation program, all the participants should take permanent measures, because it is the most important factor affecting the economy development of the whole country.


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