Perceived Security Threat and the Global Refugee Crisis

1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mandel
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Marie Jelínková

Abstract Along with other Central and Eastern European counties, Czechia has invested significant effort in deterring refugees from entering the country during the ‘refugee crisis’. This article sheds light on the role of the media in legitimising anti-refugee policies by analysing the politicised discourse on refugees in 900 articles published in Czech newspapers between 2014 and 2016. The findings indicate that refugees were depicted as a security threat and an administrative burden partly imposed by the European Union. The article discusses the policy implications of depicting refugees in this way and thus broadens the literature on European narratives during the refugee emergency in Europe.


Author(s):  
Harry Hammitt

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, there has been a tightening of public access. In response to perceived security threats, government agencies have taken information down from Web sites, curtailed or restricted access to electronic sources of information, broadened the interpretation of FOIA exemptions, created or augmented new categories of restricted information, and prohibited public access for critical infrastructure information. These policy responses have been based both on the perceived security threat and an inhospitable attitude toward open government on the part of the Bush administration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (6) ◽  
pp. 564-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Kovář

A developing literature on the securitisation of immigration documents the prominence of security-based framing, but its prevalence has not been systematically established in Central and Eastern Europe through an analysis of the relative importance of various immigration-related frames. Using content analysis, this study tests the securitisation of the immigration thesis in the coverage of the refugee crisis between 2013 and 2016 in Czech and Slovak media ( N = 7,910), in particular focusing on frame variation over time, and on differences between quality and tabloid media. The results reveal that the security-threat frame is the dominant frame, while economic framing is significantly less frequent in regard to the topic. While both quality media and tabloids employ the security-threat frame often, it is significantly more prominent in tabloids. In sum, these results confirm the existence of a pre-eminent securitised interpretation of immigration in the region during the crisis.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (873) ◽  
pp. 127-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Geiβ

AbstractThe gradual process of state failure is commonly accompanied by armed violence. Apart from occasional outbreaks, armed violence in fragile states tends to smoulder with relatively low intensity, often over an extended period of time. The actual level of violence may oscillate around the level of violence that is commonly accepted as triggering the application of international humanitarian law (IHL). In addition, because of the specific objectives typically – though not necessarily always – pursued by armed groups in failed state conflict scenarios, cross-border spillover effects are fairly frequent. The qualification of armed violence in such scenarios according to the conflict categories laid down in IHL thus raises some rather specific issues. Moreover, weak states, failing states, and ultimately failed states are increasingly perceived as a key threat to international security. States seem increasingly inclined to assume sporadic order maintenance functions in the place of disabled governments so as to maintain the perceived security threat at a tolerable level. Current efforts to repress acts of piracy off the coast of Somalia are an evident case in point. Since the Security Council, in Resolution 1851, at least implied the possibility of applying IHL in that specific context, the application of this legal regime to sporadic law enforcement operations by third parties also demands further scrutiny.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 730-751
Author(s):  
Anna Horolets ◽  
Adriana Mica ◽  
Mikołaj Pawlak ◽  
Paweł Kubicki

The article addresses the issue of the so-called refugee crisis in Europe from the perspective of ignorance studies and seeks to establish the mechanisms whereby ignorance is created through categorizations. We depart from the proposal of Proctor and view ignorance as either “native state,” “lost realm,” or “strategic ploy.” In all three, ignorance is an unalienable part of social action. The case of Polish academic research on refugees before and after 2015 is explored in order to establish who ignores what, when, and why, when categorizing, and to analyze the relationship between ignorance and social action. In the Polish refugee field, the crisis of 2015 was the moment when the refugee issue stepped out of the shadows and attracted the attention of the public and policymakers. The analysis of the category “refugee” in Polish scholarship before 2015 demonstrates that the category was based on culturalization and idealization; thus, the socio-political and pragmatic aspects of the group’s characteristics and actions were systematically ignored, and the ignorance worked as a “lost realm.” After 2015, a new body of scholarship emerges in which the category “refugee” acquires negative connotations with security threat or fakeness. In the new scholarship, ignorance is a strategic framing that sets the category of “refugee” outside the humanitarian issues. We claim that the new categorizations follow the logic of culturalization and moralization typical of the previous period. Strategic ignorance inherent in the categorizations that dichotomize “good” and “bad” refugees, or “refugees” and “migrants,” unlocks the potential for political action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 580-596
Author(s):  
Marína Urbániková ◽  
Michał Tkaczyk

This article examines how the two most popular Czech quality dailies framed refugees and migrants during the European refugee crisis in 2015. It explores the extent to which the framing described by previous studies carried out in Western and/or destination countries can also be identified in the newspapers of a country that has had only minimal experience with migration. Instead of identifying frames beforehand and coding them as holistic variables, a routinely used approach to frame analysis, it employs a more reliable and transparent method of hierarchical cluster analysis. The dailies framed the refugees and migrants mainly as a burden on host society, as victims of a humanitarian crisis and, to a lesser degree, as a security threat. The results show that the frames used by the Czech dailies closely correspond to those described in previous research, despite the different methods of analysis and the different geographical and cultural settings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Linda Briskman

In 2015 the global media fixated on the ‘Syrian crisis’ that became the ‘refugee crisis’ for Europe. This construction of crisis was Eurocentric, temporally narrow and presented as problem for European nation states. We view the ‘problem’ rather as the nationalism and racism of receiving countries with a resurgence of a discourse of ethno-nationalist European identity sharpened by the global financial crisis and neoliberal austerity. Despite disparate national histories, we discern: a ‘blame-the-victim’ tendency to view those most harmed by the ‘refugee crisis’ as the ‘problems’ that constitute it; a state-centred perspective that requires the ‘problem’ to be addressed by nation states; a ‘charity starts at home’ ideology, usually from those sectors of society that are least willing to extend compassion ‘at home’; a systemically cruel state disposition towards asylum seekers as part of a regime of deterrence from seeking asylum in that state; a racialised and gender-blinkered regime of determination of refugee status; a politically opportunist populism that deploys ethno-nationalist ‘othering’ or scapegoating in times of economic distress and political instability; a wilful and convenient blindness to the histories of the contemporary conflicts as the legacies of colonialism; a globalised Islamophobia, casting Muslim asylum seekers as a potential security threat and undermining of national (or ‘western’, or civilisational) values; a gender-inflected racialisation that demonises the asylum-seeking other as hyper-patriarchal and occludes or minimises the patriarchy of the ‘civilised’ west. *repeats six paras on*


Author(s):  
Narasimha Paravastu ◽  
Claire A. Simmers ◽  
Murugan Anandarajan

This study tested the context of employees using their devices for both work and personal use, and non-compliant device usage of a person potentially resulting in Information Systems (IS) security threat to personal as well as work data and/or the devices. Integrating bystander and protection motivation theory (PMT) perspectives this paper studies bystanders' responses to IS security threats and the extent to which a perceived security threat motivates individual intention to act, in the context of non-compliant mobile device usage behaviors. It tests the role of an individual's threat perceptions to protect their own IS security, and as a bystander, protecting their peers or the IS security of their organization. Data collected from 431 individuals support the hypotheses that security awareness predicts perceived severity and protection motivation. Evaluation apprehension and diffusion of responsibility inhibit bystander's intentions to act against non-compliant mobile device usage behaviors, while awareness facilitates it. Theoretical contributions and practical implications of the research are discussed.


Author(s):  
Yohanan Eshel ◽  
Shaul Kimhi ◽  
Hadas Marciano ◽  
Bruria Adini

The present study investigated predictors of psychological coping with adversity responses during the COVID-19 pandemic and an armed conflict. Two paired samples that represented the Israeli population that was exposed to both adversities were compared. Respondents rated five different psychological coping responses associated with the two adversities, such as anxiety or individual resilience. Perceived security, pandemic, economic, and political risks, as well as level of morale, were rated. Two major findings were disclosed by two path analyses. Morale improved the predictions of the varied coping responses in both the pandemic and conflict and was the best predictor of four out of five responses and the second-best predictor of the fifth response. Contrary to previous studies, our findings revealed that the concept of a single major predictor of coping responses under distress is an overgeneralization. In both cases, the coping responses were better explained by other perceived risks rather than by the risk of the investigated adversity. Rather than assume that a perceived security threat accounts for low levels of public moods, it is vital to study the antecedents of coping responses and to empirically examine additional potential predictors.


Refuge ◽  
1996 ◽  
pp. 15-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Mills

The 1991-94 Haitian refugee crisis, and the resulting intervention, brings together a number ofdifferent issues, including refugee flows, human rights concerns, UN Security Council action, and the domestic politics and other direct interests ofone ofthe great powers. This article examines these factors and the role they played in the eventual US led intervention. It concludes that the perceived security aspects of the Haitian refugees were the primary impetus for the US action. However, human rights and other humanitarian concerns also played a significant, although ambiguous, role, and the reaction on the part of other states to the intervention may prove to be precedential in legitimating future intervention for humanitarian purposes.


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