scholarly journals Asylum seekers in the global context of xenophobia: Introduction to the special issue

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Linda Briskman

In 2015 the global media fixated on the ‘Syrian crisis’ that became the ‘refugee crisis’ for Europe. This construction of crisis was Eurocentric, temporally narrow and presented as problem for European nation states. We view the ‘problem’ rather as the nationalism and racism of receiving countries with a resurgence of a discourse of ethno-nationalist European identity sharpened by the global financial crisis and neoliberal austerity. Despite disparate national histories, we discern: a ‘blame-the-victim’ tendency to view those most harmed by the ‘refugee crisis’ as the ‘problems’ that constitute it; a state-centred perspective that requires the ‘problem’ to be addressed by nation states; a ‘charity starts at home’ ideology, usually from those sectors of society that are least willing to extend compassion ‘at home’; a systemically cruel state disposition towards asylum seekers as part of a regime of deterrence from seeking asylum in that state; a racialised and gender-blinkered regime of determination of refugee status; a politically opportunist populism that deploys ethno-nationalist ‘othering’ or scapegoating in times of economic distress and political instability; a wilful and convenient blindness to the histories of the contemporary conflicts as the legacies of colonialism; a globalised Islamophobia, casting Muslim asylum seekers as a potential security threat and undermining of national (or ‘western’, or civilisational) values; a gender-inflected racialisation that demonises the asylum-seeking other as hyper-patriarchal and occludes or minimises the patriarchy of the ‘civilised’ west. *repeats six paras on*

Author(s):  
Maria Petmesidou

Greece developed a pension-heavy, clientelist, hybrid Mediterranean welfare state with many gaps in coverage. The global financial crisis of 2008 triggered a severe sovereign debt crisis, compelling the country to accept three bailout packages with stringent conditions as to spending cuts, privatization, and openness to international competition. Severe austerity has caused a protracted recession: the economy lost more than a quarter of its GDP between 2008 and 2015. The Mediterranean refugee crisis impacted severely on the country. New parties of the extreme left (SYRIZA) and extreme right (Golden Dawn) have gained support. SYRIZA was elected on an anti-austerity platform but failed to deliver and a fourth rescue package is under negotiation. The more likely future direction consists in an ever-tighter austerity programme with the immizeration of large sections of the population. A move towards neo-Keynesian intervention and social investment seems unlikely, given the level of debt and the bailout conditions.


Author(s):  
Huck-ju Kwon

One of the biggest challenges for developing a new more productivist social policy approach has been the apparent absence of a new, post-neoliberal, economic model even after the global financial crisis. This chapter explores the social policy implications of the official ‘pragmatism’ of the new economic model with its ‘institutionalist’ emphases on nation states finding what works best in their own contexts rather than looking to the one size fits all approach of recent decades.


Author(s):  
Susan Engel

The definition of development has changed over the years since the inception of development economics as a sub-discipline of economics in the 1950s. Initially, development economics was understood as a study of how the economies of nation-states have grown and expanded, placing the discipline in line with the classical and neoclassical traditions of economics. Later, however, some scholars focused on how to improve the welfare of the population and the planet informing the critical tradition. The post-war economic development models were fundamentally classical, but they did allow for some state intervention to achieve development, demonstrating the influence of economist John Maynard Keynes. Postwar leftist development economics coalesced around structuralism and dependency theory, or world systems theory, the latter two having their roots in Marxist political economy. This influenced state-led development approaches most associated with the Asian Tigers. In the 1980s, neoliberal ideas came to dominate development economics, however the high social costs of this approach led to a greater focus on poverty, while more progressive scholars emphasized capabilities and redistribution with growth. Since the Global Financial Crisis, questioning of neoclassical economics has grown and, while it is still far from dead, more heterodox approaches are flourishing.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Colleen Pease

In 1993, Sweden commenced the unprecedented practice of using Language Analysis (LA) as evidence in refugee status determination. Since that time, Western governments trying to cope with the perceived refugee crisis have similarly adopted the tool to corroborate and undermine the nationality claims of asylum seekers crossing borders without identity documents. During this same period, language professionals, lawyers, various news media, and others across the globe have proceeded to fuel international controversy on the subject, largely challenging the linguistic integrity of the tool, while investing less energy addressing the political context of use, as well as the implications for violations of refugee rights. In 2007, Canada reflected prioritized concerns for efficiency when it made public a pilot project to address the value of this language tool in aiding status decision-making. This paper interrogates the Canadian efficiency paradigm through the Australian lens of LA in practice. In exposing the ethical and legal sites of likely disengagement should Canada proceed with implementation, this paper cautions against LA becoming the most recent assault on a Canadian protection regime already under siege.


Refuge ◽  
2003 ◽  
pp. 25-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Leach

Throughout late 2001 and 2002, the Australian Government, seeking re-election, campaigned on a tough line against so-called “illegal” immigrants. Represented as “queue jumpers,” “boat people,” and “illegals,” most of these asylum seekers came from Middle Eastern countries, and, in the main, from Afghanistan and Iraq. This paper explores the way particular representations of cultural difference were entwined in media and government attacks upon asylum seekers. In particular, it analyzes the way key government figures articulated a negative understanding of asylum seekers’ family units – representing these as “foreign” or “other” to contemporary Australian standards of decency and parental responsibility. This representational regime also drew upon post-September 11 representations of Middle Eastern people, and was employed to call into question the validity of asylum-seekers’ claims for refugee status. Manufactured primarily through the now notorious “children overboard” incident, these images became a central motif of the 2001 election campaign. This paper concludes by examining the way these representations of refugees as “undeserving” were paralleled by new Temporary Protection Visa regulations in Australia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (28) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ahsan Jamal ◽  
Yue Xie

The refugee crisis that emerged in 2015 was considered to be one of the worst political and humanitarian disasters and the huge influx of immigrants that arrived in Europe caused collective concerns among the receiving countries. The general attitude towards immigrants in Germany has been positive for years but the Syrian crisis prompted the German policies to become more lenient towards the refugees. Therefore, this paper analyzes Germany’s policy shift towards refugees after 2015 and examines the reasons behind the positive stance towards immigrants from the existing literature. The paper discusses the role of different factors ranging from economic, foreign policy considerations, ideological concerns to humanitarian values. In addition, this paper highlights the gaps in the literature and proposes directions for future research to comprehend German policies on immigrants. The research concludes with the findings that humanitarian values and past experiences have played a crucial role in shaping Germany’s refugee policy during the European refugee crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florent Chossière

In the last few years, asylum claims based on sexual orientation and/or gender identity (SOGI) have received increased attention within migration and queer studies. Mostly focusing on the refugee status determination process, these works have emphasized how the expectations of asylum institutions about “genuine queer refugees” lead to the exclusion of many applicants from SOGI asylum. This paper aims at shifting the analysis perspective from the legal categorization process to the impacts of everyday experienced categories of “asylum seekers” or “refugees” on queer migrants in the Parisian area. Using a three-year long ethnographic fieldwork, completed through interviews with queer asylum seekers and refugees, this paper investigates how refugeeness, understood as the objective and subjective effects of migration and asylum policies on individuals, contributes to shaping lived experiences of sexual and gender minorities in France. By drawing attention to the ways that the multiple power relationships queer asylum seekers and refugees have to face are spatially grounded, this paper discusses how an intersectional understanding of sexuality, gender, and refugeeness allows us to emphasize the role played by migration status in the negotiation of hetero- and cisnormativity. This paper also argues that far from remaining passive toward the categorization process they are subjected to, queer asylum seekers and refugees strategically appropriate the administrative categories with which they are associated. Such an analysis of lived experiences of queer asylum seekers and refugees in the country of arrival thus highlights the complex reshaping of social location caused by migration.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 54-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Walks

This article seeks to critically examine public policy response to the global financial crisis in the core of the developed world, and to understand the likely implications of this set of policy responses for the future trajectory of urban social crises. Instead of dealing with the internal contradictions of the financial-economic system that characterizes recent capitalism, and that produced the global financial crisis, the governments of the wealthiest countries are actively attempting to ‘solve’ the problem by re-installing a form of capitalism that I refer to as ‘ponzi neoliberalism’. The increasing dominance of ponzi dynamics in this system means it is inherently contradictory, inequitable, wealth-destroying in the aggregate, and unsustainable – I stress in particular the implications for the future form and trajectory of urban social inequality. In this article, I trace the roots of the global financial crisis and outline the parameters of ponzi neoliberalism. I then discuss how nation states are using public policy to resuscitate this system, and in doing so, are reproducing highly contradictory and unsustainable, but self-reinforcing, dynamics (doom-looping) that imperil future social and economic sustainability. I then consider the impact on the geography of the city, and argue that this strategy risks deepening urban social crisis. The longer that ponzi neoliberalism is allowed to continue, the deeper and more problematic will be the crisis, and the more limited will be the state capacity to respond to its contradictions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (02) ◽  
pp. 265-290
Author(s):  
Wesley Widmaier

How did the interplay of intellectual overconfidence, gender, and professional socialization limit economic policy debate over the subprime boom and global financial crisis? In this article, I integrate historical institutionalist and feminist institutionalist insights to make sense of the interplay of gender and professional socialization in limiting the scope for precrisis regulation and postcrisis reform. First, drawing on historical institutionalist perspectives, I highlight the scope for inefficiency in the use of information, arguing that policy success over time can engender tendencies to misplace confidence and intellectual closure. Secondly, drawing on feminist institutionalist perspectives, I stress the role of professional and gender socialization in enabling agents to resist such inefficiencies and so limit the scope for intellectual closure. In empirical terms, I then advance three case studies addressing the roles of Commodity Futures Trading Commission Chair Brooksley Born, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Chair Sheila Bair, and Troubled Asset Relief Program Congressional Oversight Panel Chair Elizabeth Warren in challenging the precrisis deregulatory consensus. In the conclusion, I address theoretical and policy implications, stressing the social dynamics that may spur women toward increased professional and intellectual risk taking.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Colleen Pease

In 1993, Sweden commenced the unprecedented practice of using Language Analysis (LA) as evidence in refugee status determination. Since that time, Western governments trying to cope with the perceived refugee crisis have similarly adopted the tool to corroborate and undermine the nationality claims of asylum seekers crossing borders without identity documents. During this same period, language professionals, lawyers, various news media, and others across the globe have proceeded to fuel international controversy on the subject, largely challenging the linguistic integrity of the tool, while investing less energy addressing the political context of use, as well as the implications for violations of refugee rights. In 2007, Canada reflected prioritized concerns for efficiency when it made public a pilot project to address the value of this language tool in aiding status decision-making. This paper interrogates the Canadian efficiency paradigm through the Australian lens of LA in practice. In exposing the ethical and legal sites of likely disengagement should Canada proceed with implementation, this paper cautions against LA becoming the most recent assault on a Canadian protection regime already under siege.


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