Neoliberal populism and governmentality in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemil Boyraz

This article is based on the question “How does the current governing party in Turkey, namely Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), reproduce its social power?” In order to answer this question, it is suggested that a combination of the different techniques of governmentality of the ruling party should be analyzed, with particular reference to the policies and institutions reconfiguring the role of the state and the notion of public deliberation in the midst of the rising discontents of neoliberalism in Turkey. As an instance of such a technique of neoliberal governmentality in populist content, the formation of the communication centers by the AKP in Turkey will be investigated. For this purpose, firstly, the rise of the populism will be related to the increasing need for channels of political participation and a solution to public demands in the midst of rising authoritarian tendencies, in order to solve the political legitimacy crisis as well as creating new forms of representation for the politically excluded masses. Then, secondly, the main cornerstones of the AKP populism will be analyzed and the formation and the future of the communication centers as a particular case will be discussed in details. Lastly, it will be argued that those centers do not only reflect the populist concerns of the governing party but also serve as a crucial source of electoral success, as well as managing tensions stemming from the neoliberal configuration of the public sphere and state–citizen relations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (22) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
André Luiz da Silva LIMA (COC/FIOCRUZ)

Em tempos de crise humanitária, provocada pela Pandemia do novo coronavírus, debates sobre o uso inteligente dos recursos públicos ocupam os tabloides com a opinião dos especialistas. No conjunto da sociedade brasileira, a fratura da desigualdade social ficou ainda mais exposta, e com isso a discussão em torno de políticas públicas e o papel do Estado diante do delicado momento ganhou espaço na esfera pública. Nesta direção, cabe referenciar a existência de contingentes populacionais significativos vivendo em localidades que não possuem o acesso adequado a serviços públicos básicos, que não gozam do direito à Cidade, e que são sistematicamente invisibilizados, inclusive no plano da estatística pública. São localidades sem CEP (Código de Endereçamento Postal), importantes não apenas para o serviço essencial de recebimento de cartas e encomendas pelos Correios, mas para atribuição de endereço aos indivíduos em contato com as malhas do Estado. Não ter endereço com CEP, por logradouro, significa ter a existência -espacialmente falando - atrelada a outro lugar que não é onde se vive, e por consequência, com danos ao exercício da cidadania plena. O enfrentamento ao Covid-19 depreende uma ação do Poder Público de forma eficaz, de políticas públicas articuladas, devidamente financiadas, transparentes e, não menos importante, territorializadas.Palavras Chave: Favelas. Covid-19. Políticas PúblicasTERRITORIALIZATION OF PUBLIC POLICIES: NOTES ABOUT COVID-19 AND THE POSTAL ADDRESS CODE IN RIO FAVELASIn times of humanitarian crisis, caused by the Pandemic of the new coronavirus, debates about the intelligent use of public resources occupy the tabloids with the opinion of experts. In Brazilian society as a whole, the fracture of social inequality was even more exposed, and with this the discussion around public policies and the role of the State in the face of this delicate moment gained space in the public sphere. In this sense, it is worth mentioning the existence of significant population contingents living in locations that do not have adequate access to basic public services, that do not enjoy the right to the City, and that are systematically made invisible, including in terms of public statistics. They are locations without CEP (Postal Address Code), important not only for the essential service of receiving letters and parcels by the Post Office, but for assigning addresses to individuals in contact with the state's networks. Not having a postal address, by street address, means having one's existence - spatially speaking - linked to another place that is not where one lives, and consequently, with damage to the exercise of full citizenship. The confrontation with Covid-19 implies an effective government action, articulated public policies, duly financed, transparent and, not least, territorialized.Keywords: Favelas. Covid-19. Public policy


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136 ◽  

An astonishingly large Christian coalition has emerged to protest the legalization of same-sex marriage in Taiwan, an alleged beacon for the promotion of gay rights in Asia. This article investigates how Taiwanese conservative Christianity, which had been politically inactive for decades, has publically mobilized itself since the early 2010s, particularly in reaction to the gay-rights movement. I examine how the shifting role of the state in Taiwan encouraged conservative Christians to stand up and speak against gay-rights issues. Transnational religious networks in East Asia facilitated Taiwanese conservative Christianity’s affiliation with a united and well-organized cross-denominational force targeting gay rights. Lately, religious entrepreneurs have emerged to integrate resources from business, politics, and academia that are necessary for political engagement. All these factors have contributed to this religious movement in the public sphere, a rarity in the Chinese world. I also analyze the ensuing secularist backlash: the anti-gay-rights movement is described as an anti-human-civilization movement in which charismatic leaders, portrayed as evil magicians, utilize a variety of strategies to deceive naive, ignorant believers.台灣——被西方媒體稱為同志權益促進的亞洲燈塔——近期出現了基督宗教團體為首的強大動員力道,反對同志婚姻合法化。本篇文章探討過去幾十年間對在政治參與上消極的台灣保守基督教,如何自2010年代初期開始,積極投身剬共參與,尤其是在反對同志權益促進的議題上。筆者首先探討台灣國家道德角色的轉變,如何迫使保守基督宗教現身抗議同志權益議題;接著討論東亞的跨國宗教網絡,如何協助台灣保守基督教轉型,形成跨教派、組織精良的反同力量;最後,宗教企業家的出現,整合各領域的資源,有效幫助宗教力量以嶄新方式參與政治。以上因素促成了這個華人世界中罕見的現身剬共領域的宗教運動。在結論之前,筆者同時也分析了宗教運動後續引發的世俗主義者的逆襲:他們如何把這運動刻畫成是反人類文明,而運動中的基督宗教領袖有如邪惡的巫師,運用各種不真實的手法蒙騙天真無知的信徒。 (This article is in English.)


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (147) ◽  
pp. 251-272
Author(s):  
Sol Picciotto

The privatization of state-owned assets and the reduction of direct state economic intervention have not led to a reduced role of the state but to changes in its form, involving new types of formalized regulation, the fragmentation of the public sphere, the decentring of the state and the emergence of multi-level governance. This has been complemented by the increased salience of ‘private’ regulation. Despite talk of deregulation there has been extensive reregulation, and the emergence of global regulatory networks, intermingling the public and the private. The transition from government to governance means a lack of a clear hierarchy of norms, a blurring of distinctions between hard and soft law, and a fragmentation of public functions entailing a resurgence of technocracy.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 460
Author(s):  
Janusz Węgrzecki

The article analyzes the content of the Pope’s speeches discussing, reconstructing and interpreting the concept of two dominant western cultures and their mutual relationships to the perspective of Pope Benedict XVI, who calls them the culture of radical enlightenment and the culture of humanism that is open to transcendence. The article identifies fundamental contentious issues including: anthropological issues, human dignity, political anthropology, freedom, reason, its rationality, and the role of religion in the public sphere. Thus, the article provides a positive answer to the question of whether the perspective of the clash of cultures outlined by Samuel Huntington can be cognitively used in interpreting the contrast of cultures presented from the perspective of Pope Benedict XVI. However, contrary to Huntington, who describes the clash of western cultures with other, non-western cultures, Pope Benedict XVI claims that there is a clash between two dominant western cultures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2336825X2110291
Author(s):  
Vasil Navumau ◽  
Olga Matveieva

One of the distinctive traits of the Belarusian ‘revolution-in-the-making’, sparked by alleged falsifications during the presidential elections and brutal repressions of protest afterwards, has been a highly visible gender dimension. This article is devoted to the analysis of this gender-related consequences of protest activism in Belarus. Within this research, the authors analyse the role of the female movement in the Belarusian uprising and examine, and to which extent this involvement expands the public sphere and contributes to the changes in gender-related policies. To do this, the authors conducted seven semi-structured in-depth interviews with the gender experts and activists – four before and four after the protests.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-172
Author(s):  
Gabriele Schneider

Foundations, as permanent funds established by a certain legal act, can serve manifold purposes, but often pursue charitable goals. As such, they play an important role for the public good. Therefore, states always had an interest in fostering foundations by providing a pertinent legal framework. In Austria, this topic has not yet been the focus of scholarship. Through this study some light is shed on the implementation of the law on foundations in the Habsburg Monarchy. It focuses on the role of the state and its legal system regarding the regulation and supervision of foundations from 1750 to 1918. This period is characterized by the sovereigns’ endeavor to regulate the position of foundations via extensive legislation. In particular, a system of oversight for foundations was created in order to guarantee the attainment of their charitable goals. In fact, this system prevailed until the end of the 20thcentury.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. M. Stewart

AbstractThe deconstruction of what is termed “the public sphere” in recent decades has resulted in an important shift in scholarly attention towards networks and forms of association. This article explores how greater sensitivity to the unstable and ephemeral nature of “publics,” combined with a stronger awareness of the role of cultural exchange, has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of early modern politics. Some analytical precision has, nonetheless, been lost. A justifiable emphasis on the artificiality of the territorial borders that have defined units of enquiry has occurred at the expense of deeper consideration of the cultural boundaries that dictated the terms on which people could participate in and shape public discourse. Study of the British archipelago can offer new ways of thinking about these problems. Linguistic and ethnic differences, the search for religious concord as well as the reality of confessional division, institutional variation, and the consequences of London's increasing dominance of the archipelago, are key facets of the reassessments undertaken here. The article concludes by reflecting on how interactions between varieties of “public” and other forms of association can nuance our understanding of early modern state formation.


10.1068/d459t ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 745-758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haim Yacobi

This paper offers a critical analysis of the role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that deal with planning policy in general and in Israel in particular. The inherent dilemmas of the different NGOs' tactics and strategies in reshaping the public sphere are examined, based on a critical reading of Habermas's conceptualization of the public sphere. The main objective of this paper is to investigate to what extent, and under which conditions, the NGOization of space—that is, the growing number of nongovernmental actors that deal with the production of space both politically and tangibly—has been able to achieve strategic goals which may lead towards social change.


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