scholarly journals TERRITORIALIZAÇÃO DE POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS: APONTAMENTOS SOBRE A COVID-19 E O CÓDIGO DE ENDEREÇAMENTO POSTAL NAS FAVELAS CARIOCAS

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (22) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
André Luiz da Silva LIMA (COC/FIOCRUZ)

Em tempos de crise humanitária, provocada pela Pandemia do novo coronavírus, debates sobre o uso inteligente dos recursos públicos ocupam os tabloides com a opinião dos especialistas. No conjunto da sociedade brasileira, a fratura da desigualdade social ficou ainda mais exposta, e com isso a discussão em torno de políticas públicas e o papel do Estado diante do delicado momento ganhou espaço na esfera pública. Nesta direção, cabe referenciar a existência de contingentes populacionais significativos vivendo em localidades que não possuem o acesso adequado a serviços públicos básicos, que não gozam do direito à Cidade, e que são sistematicamente invisibilizados, inclusive no plano da estatística pública. São localidades sem CEP (Código de Endereçamento Postal), importantes não apenas para o serviço essencial de recebimento de cartas e encomendas pelos Correios, mas para atribuição de endereço aos indivíduos em contato com as malhas do Estado. Não ter endereço com CEP, por logradouro, significa ter a existência -espacialmente falando - atrelada a outro lugar que não é onde se vive, e por consequência, com danos ao exercício da cidadania plena. O enfrentamento ao Covid-19 depreende uma ação do Poder Público de forma eficaz, de políticas públicas articuladas, devidamente financiadas, transparentes e, não menos importante, territorializadas.Palavras Chave: Favelas. Covid-19. Políticas PúblicasTERRITORIALIZATION OF PUBLIC POLICIES: NOTES ABOUT COVID-19 AND THE POSTAL ADDRESS CODE IN RIO FAVELASIn times of humanitarian crisis, caused by the Pandemic of the new coronavirus, debates about the intelligent use of public resources occupy the tabloids with the opinion of experts. In Brazilian society as a whole, the fracture of social inequality was even more exposed, and with this the discussion around public policies and the role of the State in the face of this delicate moment gained space in the public sphere. In this sense, it is worth mentioning the existence of significant population contingents living in locations that do not have adequate access to basic public services, that do not enjoy the right to the City, and that are systematically made invisible, including in terms of public statistics. They are locations without CEP (Postal Address Code), important not only for the essential service of receiving letters and parcels by the Post Office, but for assigning addresses to individuals in contact with the state's networks. Not having a postal address, by street address, means having one's existence - spatially speaking - linked to another place that is not where one lives, and consequently, with damage to the exercise of full citizenship. The confrontation with Covid-19 implies an effective government action, articulated public policies, duly financed, transparent and, not least, territorialized.Keywords: Favelas. Covid-19. Public policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Rory Jeff Akyuwen

The role of the state through BUMN becomes so important when it is formulated in a provision as formulated in Article 33 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, where the production branches which are important for the State and which affect the livelihood of the public must be controlled by Country. Here it indicates the authority of the State to participate in economic activities through the operation of production branches that can be categorized as important for the State and considered vital and strategic for the interest of the State.This is based on the reasons as formulated in the explanatory section of Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the benefits of the production branches do not fall into the hands of individuals, the State actively takes the role to cultivate it because the production branch is considered important and which control the livelihood of the people for the greatest prosperity of the people. State-Owned Enterprises is formed with the aim of contributing to the development of the national economy in general and the state's revenue in particular; The pursuit of profit; To hold general benefit in the form of providing goods and / or services of high quality and adequate for the fulfillment of the livelihood of the public; Pioneering business activities that have not yet been implemented by the private sector and cooperatives and actively providing guidance and assistance to weak economic entrepreneurs, cooperatives, and communities.SOEs are given the right to monopoly in the economic field which is considered to control the livelihood of many people.


2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-264
Author(s):  
J. Jayakiran Sebastian

AbstractThe fourth and final volume in Max Stackhouse series on 'God and Globalization' invites to consider more deeply the realities of globalization. In particular, questions of imperialism and post-colonialism are related to questions concerning the place given to religion and faith by nation-states. China and India, while both experiencing rapidly changing economies, have diverse approaches to the role of religion in the public sphere. Globalization forces 'the west' to engage with the differing economic and religious circumstances of 'the east', and to reconsider the appropriateness of Christian mission in the face of the plurality of faiths and their competing truth claims.


2014 ◽  
Vol 152 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradip Ninan Thomas

This article explores issues related to the Right to Information movement in India specifically in relation to the public sphere, a concept that is habitually invoked to describe spaces for deliberation and communication. It explores the role played by the jan sunwai (public hearings) in the creation of a counter public sphere based on the local idiom, local means of communication and performative traditions that enabled a balance between speaking, listening and actioning. The article focuses on the Right to Information movement and the jan sunwai as an important indigenous means and pedagogical device used by this movement to mobilise, radicalise and give voice to marginalised people who have traditionally been expected to remain silent, even in the face of the most atrocious atrocities committed by the forward castes and wealthy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
Thomas Douniès

In France as in other European countries, access to education for immigrants beyond compulsory schooling is selectively achieved, through a triage implemented by education administrations. Support organizations are increasingly solicited on this matter. Considering the twofold policy role of non-profits which both act as advocates and providers, this paper sheds light on the reciprocal relationship between the way activists manage enrollment in education and the way this issue is framed in the public sphere. Indeed, militants play a gatekeeping role and can discretely negotiate the access to school at the margins of the official institution. Nevertheless, because this struggle for education is individualized and silent, this issue is not likely to become a public and visible cause, around which a political reaction from public authorities could be claimed. Hence, while they largely counteract the infringement of the right to education, the actions of activists paradoxically participate in making it socially acceptable. That is why, beyond the case of immigrant education, the analysis eventually provides an empirical understanding of the social conditions of the construction of education public problems.    


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136 ◽  

An astonishingly large Christian coalition has emerged to protest the legalization of same-sex marriage in Taiwan, an alleged beacon for the promotion of gay rights in Asia. This article investigates how Taiwanese conservative Christianity, which had been politically inactive for decades, has publically mobilized itself since the early 2010s, particularly in reaction to the gay-rights movement. I examine how the shifting role of the state in Taiwan encouraged conservative Christians to stand up and speak against gay-rights issues. Transnational religious networks in East Asia facilitated Taiwanese conservative Christianity’s affiliation with a united and well-organized cross-denominational force targeting gay rights. Lately, religious entrepreneurs have emerged to integrate resources from business, politics, and academia that are necessary for political engagement. All these factors have contributed to this religious movement in the public sphere, a rarity in the Chinese world. I also analyze the ensuing secularist backlash: the anti-gay-rights movement is described as an anti-human-civilization movement in which charismatic leaders, portrayed as evil magicians, utilize a variety of strategies to deceive naive, ignorant believers.台灣——被西方媒體稱為同志權益促進的亞洲燈塔——近期出現了基督宗教團體為首的強大動員力道,反對同志婚姻合法化。本篇文章探討過去幾十年間對在政治參與上消極的台灣保守基督教,如何自2010年代初期開始,積極投身剬共參與,尤其是在反對同志權益促進的議題上。筆者首先探討台灣國家道德角色的轉變,如何迫使保守基督宗教現身抗議同志權益議題;接著討論東亞的跨國宗教網絡,如何協助台灣保守基督教轉型,形成跨教派、組織精良的反同力量;最後,宗教企業家的出現,整合各領域的資源,有效幫助宗教力量以嶄新方式參與政治。以上因素促成了這個華人世界中罕見的現身剬共領域的宗教運動。在結論之前,筆者同時也分析了宗教運動後續引發的世俗主義者的逆襲:他們如何把這運動刻畫成是反人類文明,而運動中的基督宗教領袖有如邪惡的巫師,運用各種不真實的手法蒙騙天真無知的信徒。 (This article is in English.)


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Danu Aris Setiyanto

The focus of this paper is on the problems of career women both historically and juridical. This paper tries to reconcile the longstanding debate about the role of women in the public sphere. The stigma of women being identical to the domestic duties as servants of parents or servants of husbands has begun to change in the millennial era. Women have started going out and getting a profession in various fields. This study examines textually and historically related to women and juridical reviews in both classical jurisprudence and related to the Indonesian laws. This paper begins by analyzing the position of women historically, to analyze the development of women’s role in their life. While the juridical study by analyzing both the Marriage Law and the opinions of some fiqh experts and various other studies in accordance with the theme. This study provides the conclusion that there are career women who are challenges and at the same time opportunities to create a confident family. Progressive interpretation of career women seeks to produce fiqh in the middle way that women also have the right to do good deeds (work). But the right that given must still be based on the benefit of individuals and collectives (sakinah family).Fokus tulisan ini membicarakan tentang problematika wanita karier baik secara historis-yuridis. Tulisan ini berusaha mendamaikan perdebatan yang telah lama terjadi tentang peran wanita di ruang publik. Stigma wanita identik dengan tugas domestik sebagai pengabdi orang tua atau pelayan suami apabila telah menikah telah memulai pudar di era digital. Wanita sudah mulai keluar rumah dan mendapatkan profesi diberbagai bidang. Kajian ini dengan mengkaji secara tekstual baik yang terkait dengan historis wanita dan tinjauan yuridis  baik dalam fikih klasik dan Undang-undang Indonesia yang terkait. Tulisan ini dimulai dengan menganalisis kedudukan wanita secara historis untuk menganalisa perkembangan peran wanita dalam kehidupan. Sedangkan kajian yuridis dengan menganalisis baik dalam UU Perkawinan dan pendapat beberapa ahli fikih serta berbagai kajian lain yang sesuai dengan tema. Penelitian ini memberikan hasil kesimpulan bahwa ada wanita karier merupakan tantangan dan sekaligus peluang dalam menciptakan keluarga yang sakinah. Penafsiran progresif terhadap wanita karier berusaha menghasilkan fikih jalan tengah bahwa wanita juga berhak beramal kebaikan (bekerja). Namun hak yang diberikan ini tetap harus disandarkan kepada kemaslahatan individual maupun kolektif (keluarga sakinah).


ICR Journal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-132
Author(s):  
Omer Caha

This article emphasises the development of the Muslim women’s movement in Turkey. It traces the historical roots of this movement as well as its evolution towards two different understandings of women. It is clearly seen that there exist two main approaches to the role of women among Islamic groups: while the traditional Islamic understanding strives to maintain women’s traditional roles notwithstanding that it advocates the right to benefit from modern education, another understanding challenges this and tries to ensure women’s existence on a ‘womanly’ base in the public life. The author attempts also to depict the story of how Muslim women have attempted to be articulated in the public sphere, their 50-year struggle to achieve that goal, as well as the discourses, values and symbols that have generally been centred on the ‘headscarf debates’.  


Author(s):  
Dryden-Peterson Sarah ◽  
Mariën Hania

This chapter examines the right to education of refugees. International human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Refugee Convention, provide a framework for the right to education for refugees. As a social right, and as reflected in the ICESCR, the right to education is to be progressively realized and requires positive action and allocation of funding. Like all human rights, it is dependent on action by government, the availability of public resources, and enforcement mechanisms. The devolution of responsibility for the education of refugees to States through recent policy further entrenches the role of the State in respecting, protecting, and fulfilling refugees’ right to education. The chapter then explores the intersection of global and national frameworks for the right to education for refugees and its realization in the form of access to schools. Despite the widely embraced global articulation of the right to education for all refugee children, the realization of the right to education is highly variable, being largely dependent upon their State of asylum.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olívia Bandeira de Melo Carvalho

Resumo É cada vez mais aceita a idéia de que a distribuição desigual da tecnologia aumenta as desigualdades econômicas e sociais. No entanto, a maior parte das políticas públicas de inclusão digital dão ênfase à disponibilização dos aparatos tecnológicos, sem levar em conta outras competências necessárias para sua utilização, bem como outras políticas essenciais para a superação das desigualdades. O objetivo deste artigo é, fugindo dos discursos catastrofistas e do otimismo acrítico, discutir o que significa a inserção dos indivíduos nessa sociedade midiatizada e qual o papel do Estado, do mercado e de pequenos estabelecimentos como as lan houses nesse processo.Palavras-chave inclusão digital; lan houses; políticas públicas; mercado; sociedade da informaçãoAbstract The idea that the unequal distribution of technology increases economic and social inequalities is increasingly accepted. However, most of the public policies for digital inclusion emphasize the availability of technological devices, without taking into account other skills required for their use and other policies essential for overcoming inequality. This article, fleeing catastrophistic rhetoric as well as uncritical optimism, discusses the meaning of the integration of individuals in the “information society” and the role of the State, the market and the small establishments such as lan houses in this process.Keywords digital inclusion; lan houses; public policies; market; information society


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (147) ◽  
pp. 251-272
Author(s):  
Sol Picciotto

The privatization of state-owned assets and the reduction of direct state economic intervention have not led to a reduced role of the state but to changes in its form, involving new types of formalized regulation, the fragmentation of the public sphere, the decentring of the state and the emergence of multi-level governance. This has been complemented by the increased salience of ‘private’ regulation. Despite talk of deregulation there has been extensive reregulation, and the emergence of global regulatory networks, intermingling the public and the private. The transition from government to governance means a lack of a clear hierarchy of norms, a blurring of distinctions between hard and soft law, and a fragmentation of public functions entailing a resurgence of technocracy.


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