Why states inform: Compliance with self-reporting obligations in universal treaty regimes

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212199057
Author(s):  
Jan Karlas

Why do some states largely comply with their self-reporting obligations in international institutions, while others fulfil them only irregularly? In this article, I conduct the first large- N analysis of self-reporting that comprises several important areas of international cooperation. This analysis relies on an original and large dataset that covers self-reporting within 25 universal arms control, environmental and human rights agreements. The empirical results find little evidence for an intuitive view that the support of states for the respective treaties and the conformity of state policies with the general goals of those treaties drive compliance with self-reporting obligations. Instead, the article reveals that this compliance is mainly influenced by the reporting behaviour of the country’s regional peers and by national economic and administrative capacities.

CADMO ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Yulia Pererva

- Since 1997, the Council of Europe has supported a Project on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights (EDC/HRE) with the aim of complimenting its treaty related activities in the fields of Human and Social Rights. The article presents the programmes and the initiatives supported and developed by the Council of Europe both at an international and at the national levels as well as the most important adopted texts and publications. It outlines the principles on which partnership and networking are built by the Council of Europe in close cooperation with member states and other regional and international institutions.Keywords human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, international cooperation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter ◽  
Sophie Meunier

The increasing density of international regimes has contributed to the proliferation of overlap across agreements, conflicts among international obligations, and confusion regarding what international and bilateral obligations cover an issue. This symposium examines the consequences of this “international regime complexity” for subsequent politics. What analytical insights can be gained by thinking about any single agreement as being embedded in a larger web of international rules and regimes? Karen Alter and Sophie Meunier's introductory essay defines international regime complexity and identifies the mechanisms through which it may influence the politics of international cooperation. Short contributions analyze how international regime complexity affects politics in specific issue areas: trade (Christina Davis), linkages between human rights and trade (Emilie Hafner-Burton), intellectual property (Laurence Helfer), security politics (Stephanie Hofmann), refugee politics (Alexander Betts), and election monitoring (Judith Kelley). Daniel Drezner concludes by arguing that international regime complexity may well benefit the powerful more than others.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1794-1799
Author(s):  
Mirta Alejandra Antonelli

Today the argentine judiciary dispenses ritual punishment as it condemns the oppressors of the last military dictatorship (1976–83) in the name of historical truth. Human rights organizations and movements have contributed immeasurably to this end. More than two decades have passed since the historic military-juntas trial (1985), and over the years successive state policies have proved that traumatic memory is a contested site, subject in this postdictatorial democracy to both debate and governmental intervention.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Branislav Mičko

Building on an original dataset, this article focuses on the interactions between NATO and its declared worldwide partners. It argues that the analysis of these interactions can reveal NATO’s strategic approach to partnerships, but it can also provide a tool for its classification as an organisation that is either exclusive – defined by the focus on defence of its members, or inclusive – emphasising the global protection of democracies and human rights. The relationship between types of interactions and NATO categorisation is estimated using an unconditional negative binomial regression with fixed effects as well as a within-between (hybrid) model. Furthermore, they are illustrated on two brief case studies of Sweden and Japan. The results of the study suggest that NATO engages primarily with countries that are powerful relative to their neighbourhood, even though they are not the most powerful among the partners. The given country’s level of democracy, integration into the international institutions, and stability, do not seem to play any overarching role here.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 694-699
Author(s):  
Oliver Stuenkel

In Gridlock, Thomas Hale, David Held and Kevin Young argue that the previous successes of international cooperation, by facilitating peace and fostering economic linkages, have deepened interdependence to the point where international cooperation is now more difficult. That suggests that global governance successfully dealt with problems it was initially designed to address, but failed to address problems which have emerged from their very existence. Put differently, interdependence not only creates a demand for international institutions, but effective international institutions also create a structure that, in turn, generates an even stronger interdependence.DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p694-699


1993 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 406-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa L. Martin

The conditions under which states will cooperate to impose economic sanctions are of both theoretical and practical interest. Generally, when sanctions are used, one state takes the lead in organizing and imposing them. Other states have incentives to free ride on the “leading sender's” efforts. To gain cooperation, the leading sender uses tactical issue-linkage in the form of either threats or side payments. The success of cooperation depends on the credibility of these issue-linkages. The use of high-cost sanctions and international institutions raises the potential for high audience costs if the leading sender reneges. These policies thus indicate credible commitments. Data on ninety-nine cases of post-1945 economic sanctions show that costly measures coincide with high levels of international cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
pp. 73-79
Author(s):  
Zakhro Jurayeva ◽  

The article is devoted to the review and analysis of the initiatives of Uzbekistan, voiced at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly. The author notes that these initiatives will contribute to further strengthening the image of Uzbekistan in the world arena, as well as solving global problems. Initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly are aimed at creating new platforms for discussing global problems, as well as opening new areas of cooperation in the region of Central and South Asia.Keywords:UN, international initiatives, international cooperation, environmental problems, World Environmental Charter, Convention on Biological Diversity, human rights education


Author(s):  
Aleksey Yu. Novoseltsev ◽  
◽  
Konstantin V. Stepanyugin ◽  

In the article, the authors consider two main forms of cooperation in the field of human rights. According to the authors, a more universal form of cooperation is currently not related to the subordination of the parties to an agreement on human rights to the jurisdiction of an interstate body. The subordination of Russia to such a body must meet a number of conditions that the Council of Europe does not meet. This leads to problems with Russians implementation of the decisions of the ECHR In conclusion, the authors believes that the ECHR is an effective mechanism for the protection of rights and freedoms only for a group of founding states of the Council of Europe, bound by common interests, values, coordinated foreign and domestic policies. The authors believes that Russia needs to return to the rules of international cooperation in the field of human rights set out in Helsinki Final Act on Security and Cooperation in Europe.


2019 ◽  
pp. 193-224
Author(s):  
Courtenay R. Conrad ◽  
Emily Hencken Ritter

This chapter highlights the conclusions and contributions of theresearch: obligation to international law can constrain leaders from violating human rights-and encourage potential dissidents to revolt against their governments. The argument that human rights treaties "work" is contrary to the explanations of a wide variety of scholars who maintain that the international human rights regime has been an abject failure. Although scholars have found evidence that domestic institutions can lead to decreased repression, there has been little support for the argument that international institutions do so.In contrast, this book finds that-if international law creates even the smallest shift in assumptions over domestic consequences for repressive authorities-these effects can yield a substantively meaningful reduction in rights violations when leaders have significant stakes in domestic conflicts.


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