scholarly journals Trust in the European Union: Effects of the information environment

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brosius ◽  
Erika J van Elsas ◽  
Claes H de Vreese

Over the past decade, the European Union has lost the trust of many citizens. This article investigates whether and how media information, in particular visibility and tonality, impact trust in the European Union among citizens. Combining content analysis and Eurobarometer survey data from 10 countries between 2004 and 2015, we study both direct and moderating media effects. Media tone and visibility have limited direct effects on trust in the European Union, but they moderate the relation between trust in national institutions and trust in the European Union. This relation is amplified when the European Union is more visible in the media and when media tone is more positive towards the European Union, whereas it is dampened when media tone is more negative. The findings highlight the role of news media in the crisis of trust in the European Union.

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederik Stevens ◽  
Iskander De Bruycker

This paper evaluates the circumstances under which affluent interest groups wield influence over policy outcomes. Interest group scholarship is ambiguous about the beneficial role of economic resources for lobbying influence. Economically resourceful groups are often presumed to provide more and better expert information to decision-makers and, in exchange, receive more favourable policy concessions. We argue that the beneficial role of economic resources is contingent on the media salience of policy dossiers. We expect that resourceful groups are more influential when issues are discussed behind the public scenes, while their competitive advantage dampens once issues grow salient in the news media. We test our expectations in the context of European Union policymaking, drawing from 183 expert surveys with lobbyists connected to a sample of 41 policy issues. Our empirical findings demonstrate that economic resources matter for lobbying influence, but that their effect is conditional on the media salience of policy issues.


Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2 (11)) ◽  
pp. 201-215
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Bałandynowicz-Panfil ◽  

The fourth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic is another significant confession for European societies. Despite extensive efforts, a safe level of population resilience has not been achieved in most countries. Previous actions and government programs aimed at persuading as many people as possible to accept vaccinations. Full availability of free vaccination has brought different levels of participation in fully vaccinated people across the European Union. This article presents the preliminary results of research on the role of the media in shaping pro-vaccination attitudes in Poland, based on a critical analysis of the literature on the subject, statistical data and an empirical research. The differences in attitudes towards vaccination against the SARS-CoV-2 virus in individual European Union countries have multifaceted conditions. These include factors of a social, political and cultural nature. Information plays an important role, shaping social attitudes in the discussed issue. One of the primary sources of this information is media – both traditional and digital. It is therefore worth defining the strength of media in the fight to build population resilience in the face of a pandemic.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Kirsten Forkert

The chapter explores the role of xenophobia and nationalism within the media rhetoric mobilised during the EU referendum campaign. It examines how the rhetoric of the Leave campaign attempted to restore a perceived lost national sovereignty and agency, imagined as a simple intuitive equivalence between national citizens, national taxpayers, and national public services. The chapter explains how, through neoliberal reforms, the welfare state was transformed according to the principles of competition, individual consumer choice and conditional entitlement to benefits. It also focuses on the framing of the European Union as taking taxpayers’ money which could otherwise be used to fund national public institutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107769902110067
Author(s):  
Nora Theorin ◽  
Christine E. Meltzer ◽  
Sebastian Galyga ◽  
Jesper Strömbäck ◽  
Christian Schemer ◽  
...  

The policy of free movement—one of the core principles of the European Union—has become increasingly politicized. This makes it more important to understand how attitudes toward free movement are shaped, and the role of the media. The purpose of this study is therefore to investigate how news frames affect attitudes toward free movement, and whether education moderates framing effects. The findings from a survey experiment conducted in seven European countries show that the effects are few and inconsistent across countries. This suggest that these attitudes are not easily shifted by exposure to a single news frame.


2008 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-170
Author(s):  
Bojan Kovacevic

Since the beginning of the European integration process until the present day the states have given up some significant elements of their sovereignty transferring an increasing number of authorities to the European institutions. The extended framework within which the rules of the European game are determined also exerts a considerable impact on the regions as integral units of the present-day complex states. Politically and economically powerful regions are more and more independent in the contemporary European political and economic space. This has created a distorted picture of 'Europe of the regions' where the regions and European institutions will establish direct contacts, making the role of states superfluous. In this paper, the author endeavors to offer a theoretical historical and philosophic frame for consideration of the attempts to overcome the antinomy of freedom and order both in the past and in the present, particularly analyzing the position and role of the regions in the European Union political and economic system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Gheyle ◽  
Ferdi De Ville

Transparency has been a central issue in the debate regarding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), especially on the side of the European Union (EU). The lack of transparency in the negotiating process has been one of the main criticisms of civil society organizations (CSOs). The European Commission (EC) has tried to gain support for the negotiations through various ‘transparency initiatives’. Nonetheless, criticism by CSOs with regard to TTIP in general and the lack of transparency in specific remained prevalent. In this article, we explain this gap between various transparency initiatives implemented by the EC in TTIP and the expectations on the side of European CSOs. We perform a content analysis of position papers on transparency produced by CSOs, mainly in response to a European Ombudsman consultation, complemented by a number of official documents and targeted interviews. We find that the gap between the TTIP transparency initiatives and the expectations of CSOs can be explained by different views on what constitutes legitimate trade governance, and the role of transparency, participation, and accountability herein.


Author(s):  
Rocío Fajardo Fernández ◽  
Rosa M. Soriano Miras

Resumen: El objetivo del presente artículo es desvelar el relato de la prensa española sobre los migrantes que intentan cruzar la frontera de la Unión Europea pero se ven estancados en la misma a causa de la estrecha vigilancia. Para ello, se ha llevado a cabo el análisis de contenido y el análisis crítico del discurso de una muestra de noticias de varios periódicos nacionales, de aquellas que informan sobre la migración irregular en el Mediterráneo. No se han encontrado grandes diferencias en el tratamiento de las noticias publicadas por los periódicos seleccionados. La construcción del discurso sigue la lógica de las políticas migratorias de la Unión Europea, que consisten en la externalización de las fronteras (la gestión de las mismas fuera de la UE) y la producción estatal y mediática del estatuto de irregularidad de la migración. En el discurso mediático los migrantes son retratados en la mayoría de los casos como agentes pasivos, como víctimas de las mafias o como objeto de atención asistencial por parte de diferentes entidades. En algunas noticias aparecen como actores que hacen uso de la violencia para alcanzar su propósito, mientras que son pocos los casos en los que aparecen como sujeto activo no asociado a conflictos. En suma, el relato dominante “desciudadaniza” a estas personas en los distintos discursos analizados. Abstract: The main purpose of the present article is to uncover the account of the Spanish press about migrants who try to cross the European Union border but find themselves at a standstill caused by the strong surveillance. In order to that, we use both content analysis and critical discourse analysis of a news sample of several national newspapers, specifically of those news which inform about irregular migration in the Mediterranean Sea. We haven’t found huge differences in the news treatment offered by selected newspapers. The way that the discourse concerning migration is elaborated follows the logic of European migration policy, which is based on the externalization of borders (the management of EU borders abroad) and the state and media production of the statute of irregularity of migrants. According to the discourse of the media, migrants are reflected in most cases as passive agents, mafia victims or assisted by different entities. Sometimes they appear as actors using violence to reach their purpose while the image of them as an active subject which is not linked to conflicts is limited. To sum up, the prevailing discourse “takes citizenship away” from these people, as we have seen in the analyses of the different media outlets.


Author(s):  
Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Honours winner: Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot, Monash UniversityOver the past decades, the European Union has witnessed an increasing apathy among European citizens’ vis-à-vis EU institutions. In 1993, EU elites formally introduced the idea of a ‘European citizenship’ in an attempt on the one hand, to reactivate the European integration project, and, on the other hand, to foster greater consciousness of the European identity which the EU is supposed to represent. What opportunities and challenges would Turkey’s accession to EU membership have on our idea of ‘European citizenship’ and ‘identity’? An analysis on the current debate regarding Turkey’s possible accession in the EU raises significant questions on the EU’s identity and on the role of the EU in the international community.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-227
Author(s):  
Robin B. Hodess

The pbenomenon of European integration has received a great deal ofattention from political scientists in the wake of the mid-1980s 'relaunch' ofthe European Union (EU). However, political science's theoretical consideration of West European integration has from the outset failed to include news media as a factor in EU politics. This oversight is linked to the general dismissal of the public and public debate as irrelevant to the integration project. Yet because media have several critical functions in politics - as an information-source, agendasetter, and legitimator - political science treatment of the EU now needs to account for the role of news media. Turning to concepts in normative media theory, the article proposes a framework within which to consider media and suggests empirical analysis of media coverage of the European Union. Such analysis would complement political science study of the democratisation and legitimation of the EU, while acknowledging public discourse as an element crucial to the future course of European integration.


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