Urban space and the power of language: the stigmatization of the faubourg in 19th-century France

1999 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Merriman

With the growth of French cities in the 19th century, a discourse of stigmatization developed in response to the economic and social evolution of the urban periphery. The faubourgs, which had already for some time made urban elites uneasy, were stigmatized as the locus of people (and activities) unwanted in the center city. They were expelled to the periphery (with the Haussmannization of Paris providing the classic case). At the same time, the social fear of the people of the faubourgs became increasingly linked with political fear, indeed well before the end of the century, when the faubourgs (not all of them, of course, as Versailles and some others were quite different) were evolving into “the suburbs”, those of Paris, above all, but in many provincial towns and cities as well, and especially when certain faubourgs and suburbs began to mount a challenge to the politics of the center city. Here we are joining the effort to establish the historical origins of a true discourse and vocabulary of the stigmatization of the urban periphery of French cities, so marked today, and place them in the middle decades of the 19th century.

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-230
Author(s):  
Bronisław Gołębiowski

The author disputes Leder’s idea in Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej [A Missed Revolution: Exercise in Historical Logic] (2014) that a great revolution, eliminating the “late feudalism” of the 19th century, occurred in Poland in the years 1939–1956 and that it happened because of the war’s destruction of the old social structures and the Nazi genocide of the Jewish population, that is, the bourgeois class, which was replaced in the years 1945–1956 by unconscious beneficiaries of the change. The beneficiaries were unaware, he writes, because the essence of the changes and their benefits never entered the social imaginary. The core of the author’s polemic is the claim that such change, which was conducted by force and by foreigners, can not be called a “revolution,” that is, the passage of society to modernity. Furthermore, the author claims that the great Polish revolution was conducted in full by the nation, by the peasant classes, in the years 1914–1922, and was popular and independence-oriented in nature. It was the continuation of the Polish independence uprisings of the 19th century, the result of changes in the social structure that had been occurring for years in the Polish lands, which were at the time divided between the partitioning states, and of deepening self-awareness among the people. The revolution was continued after Poland’s acquisition of independence in 1918. The Second World War, and foreign intervention, only disrupted that process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (3 (181)) ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
Adrianna Seniów ◽  
Nina Pielacińska

The beginnings of Polish mass emigration to Argentina date back to the end of the 19th century, but since then, several stages of the influx of Poles to the country on La Plata can be distinguished. They differ both in terms of the number and the social nature of immigrants. The aim of this article is to show how the presence of the Polish immigrants community was reflected in the urban space and cultural life of the capital of Argentina. This study investigates the material traces of presence, such as monuments, squares, buildings, commemorative plaques, as well as its intangible dimension: the activities of Polish organizations, Polish schools and parishes, Polish festivals, which have been part of the ethnically diverse urban landscape of Buenos Aires for years.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Tsipko

In the article the author analyzes the main notional lines in the work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn through the prism of Russian philosophy legacy. According to the author the analysis of the nature, motives and lie in the works of the writer are related to the respective works of F.M. Dostoevsky, K.N. Leontiev and other Russian thinkers. «All Communist content is turned into nonsense by the Russian life», and «all its nonsense is severe due to the intolerable truth of the suffering…», – this statement of F.A. Stepun is well pertinent to the creative work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn that shows vivid examples of barbaric cruelty of the authorities towards the people. Still, according to the author of the article, the reasons for such cruelty were reflected even earlier, in the works of Russian philosophers of the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Pirozhok

The relevance of determining the theoretical and methodological determinants of the Robert von Moll’s concept of the social state is due to the need to determine the patterns of evolution of ideas about the state and law, as well as the need to assess the ability to use the potential of the Robert von Moll’s theoretical and legal heritage, his predecessors and contemporaries to identify the optimal model of the social state. Modern Russia attempts to build such state. The proclamation and consolidation of Russia as a social state governed by the rule of law at the constitutional level requires attention both to the experiments carried out in social and legal development, and to the practices of social reform, and also to those ideas that have not yet been embodied. The ideas of European scholars regarding the evolution of the state-legal organization of society in the early modern period, based on which Robert von Mohl (1799–1875) developed original concepts of a social state and a state governed by the rule of law are discussed in the article. An analysis of the state of European political and legal thought and identification of the factors that have a significant impact on the development of Robert von Mohl’s doctrine of a social state governed by the rule of law are the purposes of the scientific article. The methodological basis of the study was the dialectical-materialistic, general scientific (historical, systemic) and special (historical-legal, comparativelegal) methods of legal research. The method of reconstruction and interpretation of legal ideas had great importance. As a result of the study, it was concluded that in the first half of the 19th century in European political and legal thought various approaches was formed to consider the problems of social protection and how to resolve them. The development trend of European political science became the transition from ideas and principles formed in the conditions of police states and enlightened absolutism to the ideas of a state governed by the rule of law (constitutional) that protects the rights and freedoms of a citizen. At the same time, it was a question of the rights and freedoms of only a part of the population: the proletariat growing in number and significance was not always evaluated as an independent social stratum. The axiological principles of state justification have also changed. Rights and utility principle became dominant principles. In the first half of the 19th century the social issue as an independent scientific problem of the European political and legal thought was not posed and not systematically developed. Questions about the social essence of the state, the specifics of the implementation of the state social function, the features of public administration in the new stage of socio-economic development of society predetermined the emergence of the idea of a social state. This idea was comprehensively characterized in the Robert von Mohl’s works. He went down in the history of political and legal thought as founder of the concepts of social and governed by the rule of law state.


2021 ◽  
pp. 092137402110218
Author(s):  
Ute Röschenthaler

Brokers have played important roles in the trade of green tea between China and Mali, from the 19th century when tea first came to Mali up to the present. They mediate between tea buyers and sellers, work on their own account, use soft skills, knowledge and networks and make a living from the commission they gain. This article examines the work of brokers in the tea trade, the social constellations in which they are active and the scope of their activity. Based on extensive field research in Mali and China, this article shows how brokers create their own jobs in a dynamic business landscape, which is often delimited by governmental policies, competing entrepreneurial activities and social movements.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio E. Nardi ◽  
Adriana Cardoso Silva ◽  
Jaime E. Hallak ◽  
José A. Crippa

Until the beginning of the 19th century, psychiatric patients did not receive specialized treatment. The problem that was posed by the presence of psychiatric patients in the Santas Casas de Misericórdia and the social pressure from this issue culminated in a Decree of the Brazilian Emperor, D. Pedro II, on July 18, 1841. The “Lunatic Palace” was the first institution in Latin America exclusively designed for mental patients. It was built between 1842 and 1852 and is an example of neoclassical architecture in Brazil, located at Saudade Beach in the city of Rio de Janeiro. In the 1930s and 1940s, the D. Pedro II Hospital was overcrowded, and patients were gradually transferred to other hospitals. By September of 1944, all the patients had been transferred and the hospital was deactivated. Key words: psychiatry, history, madness.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Constantin Vadimovich Troianowski

This article investigates the process of designing of the new social estate in imperial Russia - odnodvortsy of the western provinces. This social category was designed specifically for those petty szlachta who did not possess documents to prove their noble ancestry and status. The author analyses deliberations on the subject that took place in the Committee for the Western Provinces. The author focuses on the argument between senior imperial officials and the Grodno governor Mikhail Muraviev on the issue of registering petty szlachta in fiscal rolls. Muraviev argued against setting up a special fiscal-administrative category for petty szlachta suggesting that its members should join the already existing unprivileged categories of peasants and burgers. Because this proposal ran against the established fiscal practices, the Committee opted for creating a distinct social estate for petty szlachta. The existing social estate paradigm in Russia pre-assigned the location of the new soslovie in the imperial social hierarchy. Western odnodvortsy were to be included into a broad legal status category of the free inhabitants. Despite similarity of the name, the new estate was not modeled on the odnodvortsy of the Russian provinces because they retained from the past certain privileges (e.g. the right to possess serfs) that did not correspond to the 19th century attributes of unprivileged social estates.


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