Thai Police Officers’ Attitudes Toward Intimate Partner Violence and Victim Blaming: The Influence of Sexism and Female Gender Roles

2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052096940
Author(s):  
Piyakrita Kruahiran ◽  
Watcharaporn Boonyasiriwat ◽  
Kakanang Maneesri

Police officers are typically the first responders when victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) report abuse. Therefore, police officers’ attitudes toward IPV and victim blaming are crucial. This study aimed to observe how police officers’ sexist attitudes affect their perspectives on IPV and their victim-blaming attitudes, depending on the gender role exhibited by the victim. The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory was used to classify 139 Thai male police officers into four groups of sexism: hostile sexist, benevolent sexist, ambivalent sexist, and nonsexist. Then, the participants were randomly assigned to watch a simulation video, in which a victim of IPV filed a report after being abused by her husband. There were two versions of the video, one in which the victim played a traditional gender role and the other a nontraditional role. Multivariate analysis of variance was employed for data analysis. The results demonstrated statistically significant effects of ambivalent sexism and victim’s gender role on attitudes toward IPV and victim blaming. This study contributes to the growing body of research on police officers’ performances in the context of IPV in Thailand and contributes to existing scholarship. It provides Thai police precincts with information that can equip them to develop new sensitivity training programs and can help legislators improve the effectiveness of victim protection acts.

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lori E. Notestine ◽  
Christine E. Murray ◽  
L. DiAnne Borders ◽  
Terry A. Ackerman

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a social problem that affects roughly 5.3 million women in the U.S. each year, accounts for 1,300 deaths, and often results in a number of physical and mental health consequences. Many women seek counseling as a way to find relief from the symptoms of the abuse they have endured. Previous research indicates that women seeking counseling after facing intimate partner violence victimization have reported experiencing counseling resources as inadequate or blaming. In the current study, counselors (N = 122) were surveyed regarding their gender role attitudes, ambivalent sexism, training in family violence, and attributions of blame toward women who have been battered. The regression analysis suggested that 16% of the variance in blame attributions was accounted for by gender role attitudes and ambivalent sexism. Study findings provide directions for future research and implications for practicing counselors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (15-16) ◽  
pp. 2993-3010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merete Berg Nesset ◽  
Johan Håkon Bjørngaard ◽  
Jim Aage Nøttestad ◽  
Richard Whittington ◽  
Cecilie Lynum ◽  
...  

Police officers are often the first responders to intimate partner violence. The aim of the study was to examine the association between structured police assessments on-site in cases of intimate partner violence, and decisions about immediate arrest of the perpetrator and/or relocation of the victim. Data were extracted from police reports on 124 emergency visits in cases of intimate partner violence perpetrated by men toward women. Six out of totally 15 items of the intimate partner violence risk assessment measure B-SAFER were used by the front line police officers as the basis for decisions on whether or not to arrest the perpetrator or relocate the victim. The six items: perpetrator violent acts, violent threats or thoughts, escalation of violence, substance use problems, mental health problems, and breach of no-contact order, were selected on the basis of their utility in emergency situations. There were increased odds of arrest on-site if the perpetrator was physically violent (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.8, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.0-7.7) or had substance problems (AOR = 2.3, 95% CI = [1.0- 5.2]). There were increased odds of victim relocation if the perpetrator had mental health problems (AOR = 7.4, 95% CI = [2.4-23.1]) or if children were present on-site (AOR = 3.1, 95% CI = [1.1- 8.6]). In contrast, escalation of violence was associated with reduced odds of the perpetrator being arrested (AOR = 0.4, 95% CI = [0.1- 0.9]) or the victim being relocated (AOR = 0.4, 95% CI = [0.1- 1.3]). The finding that the police did not immediately respond to escalation, potentially signaling lethal violence needs to be addressed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ara A'Court

<p>Two leading theories propose different reasons for men’s and women’s intimate partner violence (IPV). The gendered theory proposes that society’s patriarchal norms of male dominance and female subordination cause men’s IPV towards women. From this perspective, violence against ‘wives’ is condoned by society, and women only perpetrate IPV in self-defence against men’s primary violence. Conversely, the chivalrous theory of IPV explains women’s IPV perpetration in terms of society’s chivalrous norms, which protect women from male violence and emboldens women to physically assault male partners. From this perspective, women’s violence is not considered harmful to men. As gendered theory and chivalrous theory both reference stereotyped gender attitudes (sexism) towards women, I used the ambivalent sexism inventory (ASI) to test the competing theories efficacy in explaining IPV perpetration by heterosexual men and women. The ASI conceptualises sexist attitudes towards women as comprised of two parts: hostile sexism (reflecting the hostility towards women outlined by gendered theory), and benevolent sexism (reflecting the benevolence towards women outlined by chivalrous theory). Gendered theory states that society condones violence towards women. Thus, men’s attitudes approving of male-perpetrated IPV should mediate the relationship between men’s hostile sexism and IPV, if gendered theory predictions are correct. Alternatively, chivalrous theory poses that society does not approve of violence towards women. Thus, attitudes disapproving of men’s IPV against women and approving of women’s IPV towards men should mediate the relationship between benevolent sexism and IPV if chivalrous theory is correct. I hypothesized men’s increased hostile sexism would predict men’s increased IPV perpetration through increased approval of IPV against women, and men’s increased benevolent sexism would predict men’s decreased IPV perpetration through decreased approval of IPV against women. Further, I hypothesised that women’s increased hostile sexism would predict women’s increased IPV perpetration through increased approval of IPV against men, and women’s benevolent sexism would predict increased IPV perpetration through increased approval of IPV against men. North American men and women (N = 688) filled out an online questionnaire measuring experiences of IPV as victims and/or perpetrators, approval of male and female IPV perpetration, and hostile and benevolent sexism. Multi-group structural equation modelling tested the extent to which positive attitudes toward intimate partner violence mediated the association between sexism and IPV perpetration for men and for women. Results found that, for both men and women, increased hostile sexism predicted greater IPV perpetration through greater approval of men’s IPV against women. Furthermore, increased benevolent sexism predicted women’s increased IPV perpetration through increased approval of men’s IPV against women. Men’s increased benevolent sexism did not predict men’s lower IPV perpetration or disapproval of IPV against women. However, men’s and women’s ambivalent sexism also predicted greater approval of women’s IPV towards men. Results did not fully support patriarchal or chivalrous predictions, instead aligning well with ambivalent sexism theory which posits a more inclusive and holistic understanding of the relationship between sexism and IPV perpetration. Reducing all forms of sexism and men’s and women’s positive attitudes toward the use of IPV are identified as important targets for IPV treatment and prevention.</p>


Author(s):  
Leigh Goodmark

The United States relies heavily on law enforcement to protect people subjected to intimate partner violence. The decision to prioritize law enforcement intervention may seem natural, but it is, in fact a political decision, with consequences along three dimensions. First, prioritizing the law enforcement response has precluded the development of other policies to address intimate partner violence. Second, channeling money into law enforcement helped to facilitate the growth of a hypermasculine, militarized environment where violence against women flourishes. Third, the decision to rely on law enforcement ignores research establishing that police officers are more likely than other groups to commit intimate partner violence. These political decisions have profound consequences for all people subjected to abuse, particularly the partners of police officers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonella Ludmila Zapata-Calvente ◽  
Jesús L. Megías ◽  
Miguel Moya ◽  
Dominik Schoebi

Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is investigated mostly at the individual level, which ignores the role of macrosocial variables and possible interactions between them. We explored how two ideological gender-related macrosocial factors (traditional gender role beliefs and attitudes toward gender equality) and one structural gender-related macrosocial factor (the economic Gender Equality Index) are associated with physical, psychological, and sexual IPVAW in Europe. We examined their interactions with individual-level factors in predicting IPVAW. Secondary analysis ( N = 30,284 heterosexual women) of the 2015 European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights’ Violence Against Women survey revealed that 26.1% of women in Europe reported at least one act of physical, psychological, or sexual violence. Generalized linear mixed models analysis revealed that individual-level factors (women’s education, childhood victimization, equal say about income, partner’s alcohol consumption, and an aggressive partner) were associated with IPVAW. Adding the Eurobarometer of Gender Equality ( N = 28 countries) and the Gender Equality Index ( N = 28 countries), attitudes more favorable to gender equality were related to lower rates of psychological victimization; more traditional gender role beliefs predicted higher rates of sexual victimization. Ideological gender-related macrofactors played an important role in cross-level interactions with individual-level factors. To reduce the rates of IPVAW victimization, clinicians, educators, and policy makers need to focus on individual predictors and macrofactors to promote societal attitudes toward equality and change traditional gender role socialization. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ’s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684319839367


2008 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 683-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina DeJong ◽  
Amanda Burgess-Proctor ◽  
Lori Elis

This article explores police officer perceptions of intimate partner violence (IPV) using observational data from police ride-alongs. We performed a qualitative analysis of narrative data from the Project on Policing Neighborhoods (POPN) to examine officers’ views of IPV as well as whether policing philosophy is related to officers’ attitudes toward IPV. Results indicate that POPN officers expressed problematic views of IPV (including simplification of IPV, victim blaming, patriarchal attitudes toward women, and presumption of victim noncooperation) as well as progressive views of IPV (including recognition of the complexity of IPV, awareness of barriers to leaving, and consideration of IPV as serious and worthy of police intervention). Additionally, our analysis offers tentative support for a relationship between policing philosophy and officers’ attitudes toward IPV. While this study is largely exploratory, we address the implications of our findings both for police practice and training and for future research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Melissa L. Garber

<p>This qualitative research project endeavoured to open up the conversation around RJ and IPV and highlight gaps in policy in order to give voice to an area in the RJ process that has, up to this point, been virtually silent. There were two overarching aims. The first was to identify the underlying practice assumptions and values evident in the New Zealand Ministry of Justice (MOJ) restorative justice (RJ) standards for family violence (FV) cases (MOJ, 2013). These would be viewed from the perspective of working with intimate partner violence (IPV) cases in particular. The intention was to compare these assumptions and values with RJ and IPV international theory and New Zealand practice. The second aim was to clarify the processes and criteria used to determine/assess IPV offender suitability and readiness for RJ, ascertain the ways in which these practices were theoretically justified, and to compare the implementation of practice to the explicit and implicit guidelines present in New Zealand policy. To these ends, a collection of 30 criminal justice professionals (judges, lawyers, police officers) and restorative justice facilitators involved in the referral and assessment process of IPV offenders participated in interviews in person, over the phone, or via Skype, which were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and then subject to analysis in order to create a conceptual framework. The analysis identified 18 main themes that were grouped into four main categories: RJ IPV conceptualization, effective RJ IPV assessor qualities, IPV offender assessment for RJ suitability/readiness, and RJ IPV practice issues. These results were compared with policy and with the international literature in order to identify consistencies and inconsistencies and to discover where gaps in policy may become clarified. Results showed that a great deal of the policy was supported by the international literature, however there were several gaps and inconsistencies. Several issues were of interest – namely the lack of clarity in the framework of RJ for IPV (i.e. where does it sit in relation to the traditional criminal justice system, intervention vs. pathway vs. overarching framework), the timing of RJ assessment in terms of treatment and interventions, siloing of agencies, and funding/resourcing issues. A final question that arose for me during analysis was regarding the purpose and value of assessment in these cases. Rather than making a decision regarding suitability in order to exclude an IPV case from the RJ process, if the process was truly restorative, perhaps the outcome of an assessment of IPV offender/case suitability should, instead, be to determine what resources are necessary in order to support any IPV case through the RJ process.</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document