The Politics of Mourning and the Crisis of Poland’s Symbolic Language after April 10

2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Niżyńska

This article analyzes the deep political and cultural impact of the plane crash on April 10, 2010. The tragedy that cost the life of a president, Lech Kaczyński, his wife, and a group of leading parliamentarians across political divides took place near the traumatically laden site of the Katyń forest and has led to a crisis of communal symbolic language. The crisis has been apparent in the radical polarization of Polish society over the rhetoric of the main political parties and their interpretations of the crash. However, the crisis transcends the political arena and indicates that Polish society no longer shares a unifying meta-narrative to form its sense of national identity. The author analyzes this process of societal polarization by looking at the stages of mourning—shock of the symbolic absurd, communitas, and the Wawel controversy—and the utilization of the communal affect in the presidential campaign led by the president’s twin brother, Jarosław Kaczyński. The campaign is characterized by the appropriation of the crash as Law and Justice’s “foundational myth” coupled with the language of indeterminacy and deferral to define a political program. At the same time, the crisis is fueled by the utilization of a reductive version of the Romantic paradigm, in which the late president is sacralized (as in Rymkiewicz’s poem) and by the proliferation of conspiracy theories that antagonize the society towards the current government and Russia.

2019 ◽  
pp. 135406881986362
Author(s):  
Sergiu Gherghina ◽  
Sorina Soare

In spite of extensive research dedicated to the rise and development of fringe populist political parties in Eastern Europe, little attention has been paid to the organizational determinants of their electoral performance. This article aims to fill this void in the literature and analyzes the extent to which particular types of leadership and party organization could influence the electoral performance of three political parties from Bulgaria, Republic of Moldova, and Romania. The qualitative analysis is conducted for the period 2012–2015 and uses a combination of primary (party statutes) and secondary sources (party histories, electoral databases, and literature). The results indicate how the existence of underdeveloped party organizations has a negative influence on the electoral performance, while strong and charismatic leaders are an insufficient condition for ensuring survival on the political arena.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

The first of five chapters which address the third sphere, organized labor’s relationship to the wider political community, Chapter 11 explores the development of labor representation outside classic union structures. Following the weakening of organized labor’s links to political parties and the influx of groups of workers who have no historical ties with the political establishment and in some cases are not even citizens, workers are finding new ways of bringing their demands into the political arena. The chapter focuses on the Workers Advice Center which made a partially-successful move from NGO to classic union, and on Kav Laoved, a workers’ rights organization. It suggests that such organizations reflect a change in the nature of labor representation as elected representatives are replaced by “experts in the field” and a focus on advancing case law through targeted legal struggle and lobbying – a transformation that has engendered representative organizations with hybrid identities.


Author(s):  
Fernando Flores Giménez

Political parties are suffering one of the worst crises in decades. Distrust of them is due to the economic crisis but also to the fact that citizens understand that they are not functioning properly, and are also preventing the occurrence of other democratic actors in the political arena. This article discusses the needto rethink the legal treatment of the parties, make it more interventionist, strengthening control over their activities and opening political space to other democratic actors.Los partidos políticos están sufriendo una de las mayores crisis de las últimas décadas. La desconfianza hacia ellos es sin duda debida a la crisis económica, pero también al hecho de que la ciudadanía entiende que no están cumpliendo sus funciones correctamente, y que además están impidiendo la concurrenciade otros actores democráticos en la arena política. Este artículo plantea la necesidad de replantear el tratamiento legal (incluso constitucional) de los partidos, hacerlo más intervencionista, fortaleciendo el control sobre sus actividades y abriendo el espacio político a otros actores democráticos.


2020 ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
H.P Solanki

Since the last few decades the political interventions in sports have increased to a great extent and have made sports as a political arena. This is a dangerous sign of a healthy sportsman spirit. Sport is now no longer a celebration of athletes' great victory and heart-warming stories, but it seems a victory of false on truth or a victory of politics over the goodness of sport. Politics has rotten the soul of sports. Leaders, autocrats, and powerful individuals have been using sports to assert their political dominance. It has been noticed that when the sportsperson’s join certain political parties, they turn as a face of that political party than the reflection of true sportsman spirit. This paper attempts to highlight different ways using which politics has entered in the sports. This paper discusses some significant strategies through which sports are becoming a political arena in India.


Author(s):  
Mary Luz Sandoval Robayo

ResumenDesde la perspectiva del institucionalismo histórico la obra de Collier y Collier representa un paradigma de estudio comparativo en el campo de la ciencia política y de la propia historia. Los autores estudian el surgimiento de las distintas formas de control y movilización de la clase obrera a través del Estado y de los partidos y buscan explicar las distintas trayectorias y los cambios de la arena política en cada uno de los países seleccionados. El presente artículo busca dar a conocer los rasgos más sobresalientes de esta teoría, la aplicación al caso de Colombia, las imprecisiones históricas y problemas del método.  Palabras clave: Incorporación de la clase obrera, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” by Collier and Collier (1991). A compared perspective about colombian historyAbstractFrom the perspective of historical institutionalism the work of Collier and Collier represents a paradigm of comparative study in the field of political science and in the field of history itself. The authors discuss the emergence of various forms of control and mobilization of the working class through the state and political parties and seek to explain different trajectories and changes in the political arena in each of the selected countries. This article seeks to present the most salient of this theory, the way it was applied to the case of Colombia, its historical inaccuracies and its methodological problems.Key words: Incorporation of the Working Class, Colombia, Collier and Collier.***************************************************“Shaping the political arena” de Collier and Collier (1991). Uma perspectiva comparada sobre a história colombianaResumoDesde a perspectiva da institucionalidade histórica, a obra de Collier e Collier representa um paradigma de estudo comparativo no campo da ciência politica e da própria história. Os autores estudam o surgimento das distintas formas de controle e mobilização da classe operária através do Estado e dos partidos e buscam explicar as distintas trajetórias e as mudanças na área política em cada um dos países selecionados. O presente artigo busca apresentar os traços mais destacados de esta teoria, a forma como foi aplicada no caso de Colômbia e as imprecisões históricas sobre este caso, dada a preocupação dos autores por gerar um modelo “elegante” em termos históricos. Além disso, se expõe uma interpretação alterna sobre este período da história nacional a traves da introdução dos eventos fundamentais que tiveram lugar nas fases propostas pelo modelo.Palavras chave: Incorporação da classe operária Colômbia, Collier and Collier.


2010 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián Carassai

A significant segment of the Argentine intelligentsia experienced the Revolution of September 1955, which overthrew General Juan Domingo Perón, as a moment of liberation. With some exceptions, such as Arturo Jauretche and Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz among others, the cultural politics of Peronism had not managed to gain many followers in the course of its ten-year experiment. During the two consecutive Perón governments (1946-1955) the often implicit, and occasionally explicit, opposition between intellectuals and Peronism only intensified. I contend that an analysis of this opposition is indispensable for understanding the redrawing of crucial definitions within the intellectual field at that time. Due to its profound social and cultural impact, the experience of Peronism compelled Argentine intellectuals, whether or not it was their original intention, to enter the political arena, not so much because their interests shifted from culture to politics, but rather because they came to conceive the cultural world as political.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 846-847
Author(s):  
Jytte Klausen

This book is a collection of essays from a 1996 conference that brought together a number of political sociologists to discuss an article from 1991 by the coorganizers, Terry Nichols Clark and Seymour Martin Lipset, originally published in International Sociology. They argued that the collapse of blue-collar industries and other changes in occupational and income structures associated with postindustrial social stratification had lead to a breakdown of class politics. Two years later, the journal published a rebuttal by Mike Hout, Clem Brooks, and Jeff Manza that class conflict remained important but that the political parties ignored it. The two articles and a 1993 response by Clark and Lipset are republished here together with a series of response papers written for the 1996 conference. Hout et al. criticized Clark and Lipset for failing to distinguish between class as a social phenomenon and the political representation of class. “Class interests may remain latent in the political arena,” they wrote, “but this does not mean that they do not exist” (p. 64).


2020 ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Manuel Blanco-Pérez

The results of the last general election to the government of Spain on 10 November 2019 enabled a government pact between the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) and Unidas Podemos (UP), reached on 31 December 2019. This agreement, endorsed when the two parties took office on 13 January 2020, included a legislative “social agenda” on the collective of workers in creativity and art. But, which of the two programs presented by these two parties at the last elections will be applied? Given that all the political parties included the application of a so-called artist’s statute in their political program, we analyze, by means of a system of latent variables, whether what is included in the political programs is close to the original wording of the statute itself. Resumen Tras las últimas elecciones generales al gobierno de la nación, el pasado 10 de noviembre de 2019, el resultado posibilitó un pacto de gobierno entre PSOE y UP alcanzado el 31 de diciembre de 2019. El acuerdo, refrendado en la toma de posesión de los cargos el 13 de enero de 2020, incluía una “agenda social” legislativa sobre el colectivo de los trabajadores en la creatividad y el arte, pero: ¿cuál de los dos programas con que acudieron, respectivamente, ambos partidos a las pasadas elecciones, se aplicará? Visto que todas las formaciones políticas llevaban en sus programas políticos la aplicación del llamado «estatuto del artista», analizaremos mediante un sistema de variables latentes la cercanía o no de lo incluido en los programas políticos con respecto a la redacción original recogida en el propio estatuto. El análisis se hará siguiendo el método científico de análisis de variables latentes con adjudicación de un valor numérico que, a su vez, se cribarán mediante el método Rasch para obtener una cantidad precisa y cuantificable del nivel de cumplimiento de la tarea del Gobierno con respecto al programa electoral con que se presentó a las pasadas elecciones.


Author(s):  
As’ad Ghanem

This chapter discusses the most prominent active partisan organizations representing the Palestinian population in Israel’s political arena. Some of these organizations act as political parties in the Israeli Knesset, while others have chosen to distance themselves from participation in parliamentary elections in order to avoid any cooperation with or legitimization for the Israeli state. The Palestinian political parties in Israel have been affected by political developments and implications resulting from the Arab-Israeli conflict and particularly the Palestinian problem, alongside Israeli national political, economic and social developments since the creation of the state in 1948, in addition to being impacted by internal socioeconomic changes and transformations within the Palestinian community in Israel.


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