The jurisprudence of elimination: starvation and force-feeding of Palestinians in Israel's highest court

This paper assesses the functioning of law and legal institutions in Palestine/Israel through the lens of settler colonialism by analysing two thematically interconnected decisions issued by the Supreme Court of Israel, the first involving the starvation of besieged Palestinian civilians and the second involving the force-feeding of Palestinian prisoners. Following a discussion regarding the role of law in settler colonialism, it proceeds to argue that the Court enabled, legitimised and legalised state-sanctioned violence that targeted the native Palestinian population by and through a jurisprudence of elimination in order to facilitate the attainment of Israeli settler-colonial objectives. By so doing, the paper provides further evidence in support of the appropriateness of settler colonialism as a theoretical framework for the case of Israel, including in legal matters.

Prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies in the Palestinian population: A primary health center-based cross-sectional study

This study aimed to assess the prevalence of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) total antibodies in the north, middle, and south regions of West Bank and the prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 specific antibodies (IgA, IgM, and IgG) in the Palestinian population. This was a cross-sectional study. The serological and epidemiological data of 1269 persons were assessed. Participants were selected randomly among primary health care center attendees in Palestine between November 1, 2020 and December 31, 2020. All serum samples were tested for total antibodies using an enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) test. IgM, IgG, and IgA-specific antibody titers were measured using ELISA. The overall prevalence (with 95% confidence intervals [CIs]) of SARS-CoV-2 total antibodies and specific antibodies were estimated. A multivariate regression model was used to assess the predictive factors for SARS-CoV-2-specific antibodies. The overall seroprevalence of SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was 24·0% (95% CI, 21·7%–26·5%). Seroprevalence was significantly higher among people living in south West Bank (adjusted Odds ratio [aOR], 2·22; 95% CI: 1·58–3·11), people who had COVID-19 symptoms (aOR, 3·92; 95% CI, 2·83–5·43), people with a COVID-19 contact history (aOR, 1·44; 95% CI, 1·03–2·03), patients with hypertension (aOR, 1·57; 95% CI, 1·06–2·33), and non-smokers (aOR, 0·47; 95% CI, 0·31–0·72). A total of 171 blood samples from SARS-CoV-2-positive patients were chosen at random for additional serological testing. Specific IgM, IgG, and IgA antibodies were positive in 14·0% (95% CI, 9·2%–20·2%), 88·3% (82·5%–92·7%), and 42·1% (34·6%–59·9%) of the samples, respectively. SARS-CoV-2 antibodies were common among PHC center attendees and were significantly associated to sex, smoking, and COVID-19 contact history. However, considering that almost three-quarters of this population remains susceptible, maintaining public health measures and encouraging access to immunization is critical in protecting this population.

Early perception, behavior, knowledge, and preventive practices related to COVID-19 among Palestinians

It is necessary to understand early perception, behavior, and knowledge of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and preventive practices in relation to suggested policies and information accessible to the Palestinian population during the early stages of the pandemic. The aim of this research is to contribute to this understanding for the purpose of affecting future practical preventive policies that can be implemented and adapted in Palestine in order to shape a new reflective practices model to face any future epidemic crisis of any type. A cross-sectional design was used to conduct the study over 3 weeks in April 2020 and an online survey was disseminated in all areas of Palestine. A total of 1040 responses were collected from persons who were over 18 years of age. A high level of knowledge related to COVID-19 was found, including symptoms and characteristics of the virus, prevention practices, and at-risk groups. Respondents believe that they are more susceptible to influenza than COVID-19 and more likely to be infected by the influenza virus than the COVID-19 virus but expect that infection of influenza would be less severe than infection of COVID-19. Respondents were more inclined to find COVID-19 worrying and stressful than they were to find it fear-inducing. Around two-thirds of respondents believe that different types of COVID-19-related conspiracy theories are true to some degree. Going forward, it is crucial and essential to provide basic awareness among large populations around diseases, which can contribute to positively influencing people’s knowledge and attitudes and their perception toward such diseases and combat conspiracy theories.

Correlation between Proinflammatory cytokines and severity of COVID-19 within Palestinian Population

COVID-19 was characterized by cytokine storm and endothelial dysfunction in severely ill patients. As the severity of the infection was corelated with ethnicity, this study aimed to assess the correlation of proinflammatory cytokine serum level and COVID-19 symptoms within the Palestinian population. In cross-sectional study, serum samples of 27 non-hospitalized patients and 63 hospitalized patients SARS-CoV-2 infected patients, were tested for total antibodies, IL-6, TNF-α, IFN-γ and IL-1β using the ELISA test. Results showed that most common symptoms within patients were Joint pain, cough, and fever (73.3%, 69.7% and 50% respectively). Serum total antibodies (IGs) levels in non-hospitalized patients were higher than hospitalized patients ((44.7 COI and 9.2 COI). TNF-α and IL-6 were lower in non-hospitalized patients compared to hospitalized patients (48±17.9 pg/ml, 193.3±350.5 pg/ml respectively). On the other hand, IFN-γ, in non-hospitalized patients (1±2 IU/ml) was significantly higher than hospitalized patients (0.4±0.26 IU/ml). IL-1β was slightly lower in hospitalized patients (8.8±13.6 pg/ml) compared to non-hospitalized patients (12.5±24.5 pg/ml). Common mild symptoms of COVID-10 were negatively associated with proinflammatory cytokines serum level. In conclusion as it with other populations worldwide, IL-6 and TNF-α are playing a major role in the complications of SARS-CoV-2 infection. Monitoring the two cytokines is crucial for management and treatment of complicated consequence of COVID-19.

Influenza vaccination should have no border: cost-effectiveness of cross-border subsidy

Background Influenza is a substantial cause of morbidity and mortality for Israel and the Palestinian territory. Given the extensive interaction between the two populations, vaccination in one population may indirectly benefit the other via reduced transmission. Due to the mobility and extensive contacts, Palestinians employed in Israel could be a prime target for vaccination. Methods To evaluate the epidemiological and the economic benefits conferred by vaccinating Palestinians employed in Israel, we developed a model of influenza transmission within and between Israel and the West Bank. We parameterized the contact patterns underlying transmission by conducting a survey among Palestinians employed in Israel, and integrating survey results with traffic patterns and socio-demographic data. Results Vaccinating 50% of Palestinian workers is predicted to reduce the annual influenza burden by 28,745 cases (95% CI: 15,031-50,717) and 37.7 deaths (95% CI: 19·9–65·5) for the Israeli population, and by 32,9900 cases (95% CI: 14,379-51,531) and 20.2 deaths (CI 95%: 9·8–31·5) for the Palestinian population. Further, we found that as the indirect protection was so substantial, funding such a vaccination campaign would be cost-saving from the Israeli Ministry of Health perspective. Conclusions Offering influenza vaccination to Palestinians employed in Israel could efficiently reduce morbidity and mortality within both Israel and the Palestinian territory.

ILLEGAL LAND GRAB: ISRAEL'S SEIZURE OF LAND IN PALESTINE

Since 1967, each Israeli government has invested significant resources in establishing and expanding the settlements in the Occupied Territories, both in terms of the area of land they occupy and in terms of population. As a result of this policy, approximately 380,000 Israeli citizens now live on the settlements on the West Bank, including those established in East Jerusalem (this report does not relate to the settlements in the Gaza Strip). During the first decade following the occupation, the Ma'arach governments operated on the basis of the Alon Plan, which advocated the establishment of settlements in areas perceived as having "security importance," and where the Palestinian population was sparse (the Jordan Valley, parts of the Hebron Mountains and Greater Jerusalem). After the Likud came to power in 1977, the government began to establish settlements throughout the West Bank, particularly in areas close to the main Palestinian population centers along the central mountain ridge and in western Samaria. This policy was based on both security and ideological considerations. The political process between Israel and the Palestinians did not impede settlement activities, which continued under the Labor government of Yitzhak Rabin (1992-1996) and all subsequent governments. These governments built thousands of new housing units, claiming that this was necessary to meet the "natural growth" of the existing population. As a result, between 1993 and 2000 the number of settlers on the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) increased by almost 100 percent.

Humanitarian Dilemmas for the Palestinian Refugees & the Question of Return

This paper examines the situation of Palestinian refugees who have been living in Arab host countries as a result of the 1948 and 1967 Arab-Israeli wars. Although their right of return was recognized by the UN Commission on Human Rights, 7 million refugees and 450,000 internally displaced Palestinians continue to live under unfavourable conditions, constituting about seventy percent of the entire Palestinian population worldwide (10.1 million) (BADIL, n.d, para1). During the refugee experience, Palestinians have suffered from all kinds of human rights violations in different countries. However, they considered the denial of their right of return as the most significant source of grievance. The right of return has become a major political goal and mobilizing influence of Palestinian nationalism. In this paper, I will use Iraq as a case study to demonstrate the continued instability and discrimination that Palestinians face in host countries and difficulties for stable settlement in exile. The experience of Palestinian refugees in Iraq between 1948 and 2008 indicates that even in countries where Palestinian refugees had seemingly favourable conditions, changes in political climate and their lack of citizenship rights make life in exile a perilous experience. Recognizing the issue of return as a legal and political matter, I will argue in this paper that based on the Palestinian refugees’ experience in various Arab host countries, securing the right of return should also be seen as a viable humanitarian solution. In the case of Palestinian refugees from and in Iraq, the right of return should be considered an emergency measure.

Humanitarian Dilemmas for the Palestinian Refugees & the Question of Return

This paper examines the situation of Palestinian refugees who have been living in Arab host countries as a result of the 1948 and 1967 Arab-Israeli wars. Although their right of return was recognized by the UN Commission on Human Rights, 7 million refugees and 450,000 internally displaced Palestinians continue to live under unfavourable conditions, constituting about seventy percent of the entire Palestinian population worldwide (10.1 million) (BADIL, n.d, para1). During the refugee experience, Palestinians have suffered from all kinds of human rights violations in different countries. However, they considered the denial of their right of return as the most significant source of grievance. The right of return has become a major political goal and mobilizing influence of Palestinian nationalism. In this paper, I will use Iraq as a case study to demonstrate the continued instability and discrimination that Palestinians face in host countries and difficulties for stable settlement in exile. The experience of Palestinian refugees in Iraq between 1948 and 2008 indicates that even in countries where Palestinian refugees had seemingly favourable conditions, changes in political climate and their lack of citizenship rights make life in exile a perilous experience. Recognizing the issue of return as a legal and political matter, I will argue in this paper that based on the Palestinian refugees’ experience in various Arab host countries, securing the right of return should also be seen as a viable humanitarian solution. In the case of Palestinian refugees from and in Iraq, the right of return should be considered an emergency measure.

Out of Sight, Out of Mind: China's Drilling Strategy for Its Soft Power Pipes in Israel

We proposed a theoretical conceptualization and identified China’s operating strategy (“drilling targets”) for its soft power “pipes” in Israel. These “pipes” are consciously directed towards a certain elite that tends to uphold the human rights discourse on behalf of the general public but even more so vis-à-vis decision-makers. China, in turn, can obtain legitimization for its involvement in the Israeli economy by investing in initiatives promoting the interests and values upheld by this elite rather than in peripheral social initiatives. Meanwhile, the same Israeli elite persists in its heightened sensitivity to human rights violations vis-à-vis the Palestinian population but does not go out of its way, to say the least, to protest alleged violations of human rights in China. Thus it invites or legitimizes Chinese involvement in the Israeli economy. It has been “co-opted” by China. These elite communities, which are highly sensitive to violations of human rights in their close vicinity, are able to overlook such violations when they are carried out far away by those who invest billions in areas of interest to the elites.